December 2025 ~ Info

The Geger Cilegon Monument as a Symbol of Popular Resistance in Banten

The Geger Cilegon Monument is one of the historical monuments that holds significant value in representing the collective memory of the Bantenese people regarding the popular uprising that occurred in Cilegon in the late nineteenth century. The monument was erected to commemorate the Geger Cilegon of 1888, a popular rebellion led by religious scholars (ulama) and local communities against Dutch colonial rule. Historically, the Geger Cilegon cannot be separated from the broader context of colonial oppression, social inequality, and religion-based resistance that strongly developed in Banten during this period (Kartodirdjo, 1966).

The existence of the Geger Cilegon Monument goes beyond functioning as a mere physical landmark; it serves as an ideological symbol that represents the spirit of struggle, courage, and popular resistance against injustice. In social historical studies, monuments function as sites of memory that connect the past with contemporary collective consciousness (Nora, 1989). Thus, the monument plays a strategic role in constructing the historical identity of both the people of Cilegon and the wider Banten region.

Historical Background of the Geger Cilegon of 1888
The Geger Cilegon took place in 1888, when Banten was under Dutch colonial rule in the Netherlands East Indies. At that time, repressive colonial policies—such as burdensome taxation systems, forced labor, and strict surveillance of religious activities—generated widespread unrest among the population. Sartono Kartodirdjo (1966) explains that Banten was a region with a strong Islamic tradition, where resistance to colonial domination was often interpreted as jihad or a form of sacred struggle.

Religious leaders such as Haji Wasid, Kiai Tubagus Ismail, and several other local figures played central roles in organizing popular resistance. This movement involved peasants, Islamic students (santri), and rural communities who felt economically and politically marginalized. The Geger Cilegon was not a spontaneous uprising, but rather the result of an accumulation of long-standing social tensions (Kartodirdjo, 1984).

Although the rebellion was eventually suppressed by the colonial authorities, its impact was highly significant in the history of popular resistance in Indonesia. The Geger Cilegon stands as one of the earliest examples of an organized popular movement based on collective awareness of structural injustice under colonialism.

The Establishment and Symbolic Meaning of the Geger Cilegon Monument
The Geger Cilegon Monument was established as a form of tribute to the fighters who died or were involved in the uprising. Its construction reflects the efforts of both the state and local communities to preserve historical memory and to reaffirm the importance of the Geger Cilegon within Indonesia’s national historical narrative. From the perspective of memorialization studies, monuments function as instruments of historical education and the formation of collective identity (Assmann, 2011).

Symbolically, the monument represents the spirit of resistance of ordinary people against oppressive power. Its upward-reaching structure may be interpreted as a symbol of resilience and hope, while its location in Cilegon reinforces the strong connection between geographical space and historical events. The monument serves as a reminder that Cilegon is not merely a modern industrial city, but also a historical space deeply shaped by popular struggle.

The Social and Educational Functions of the Monument
In contemporary society, the Geger Cilegon Monument plays an important social and educational role. It frequently serves as a site for commemorative ceremonies, historical pilgrimages, and outdoor learning activities for students and university scholars. According to Lubis (2014), the preservation of local historical sites plays a crucial role in fostering historical awareness and grassroots nationalism.

The monument also functions as a symbolic space where communities reflect upon values of struggle, courage, and sacrifice. In historical anthropology, such memorial spaces operate as arenas for the intergenerational reproduction of cultural and ideological values (Koentjaraningrat, 2009).

The Geger Cilegon Monument in the Context of Banten’s Local Identity
The identity of the Bantenese people is closely tied to a long history of resistance against colonial domination. The Geger Cilegon Monument reinforces the narrative that Banten possesses a strong tradition of social and religious resistance. This perspective aligns with Guillot’s (2008) observation that, since the era of the Banten Sultanate, the region has been characterized by intense political and religious dynamics.

The monument also functions as a marker of local identity for the city of Cilegon. Amid its contemporary image as an industrial and steel-producing city, the monument reminds society that modernization should not erase historical memory and local values that shape collective character.

Preservation and Challenges in the Modern Era
In the modern era, the primary challenge in preserving the Geger Cilegon Monument lies in maintaining its relevance amid social change and urbanization. Many historical monuments face the risk of marginalization due to low historical literacy and the dominance of popular culture. Therefore, preservation strategies must extend beyond physical maintenance to include cultural and educational approaches (Ashworth, Graham, & Tunbridge, 2007).

Integrating the monument into local educational curricula, developing historical tourism, and utilizing digital media represent strategic steps to broaden its meaning and relevance for younger generations. Through such efforts, the Geger Cilegon Monument can continue to function as a medium for transmitting historical values and cultural identity.

Conclusion
The Geger Cilegon Monument stands as a significant symbol in the history of popular resistance in Banten against Dutch colonialism. It not only marks the historical event of the Geger Cilegon of 1888, but also serves as a medium for identity formation, historical education, and the strengthening of collective memory. From an academic perspective, the monument represents the close relationship between space, history, and social consciousness.

The sustainable preservation and interpretation of the Geger Cilegon Monument are a shared responsibility among government institutions, academics, and the wider community. Through such collective efforts, the values of struggle embodied in the monument can continue to live on and remain relevant in addressing contemporary challenges.

Image: https://www.instagram.com/p/DN3Jwo65EtZ/?img_index=2
References:
Assmann, J. 2011. Cultural memory and early civilization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ashworth, G. J., Graham, B., & Tunbridge, J. E. 2007. Pluralising pasts: Heritage, identity and place in multicultural societies. London: Pluto Press.
Guillot, C. 2008. Banten: Sejarah dan peradaban abad X–XVII. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia.
Kartodirdjo, S. 1966. The peasants’ revolt of Banten in 1888. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.
Kartodirdjo, S. 1984. Pemberontakan petani Banten 1888. Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya.
Koentjaraningrat. 2009. Pengantar ilmu antropologi. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Lubis, N. H. 2014. Banten dalam pergumulan sejarah. Serang: Dinas Kebudayaan Provinsi Banten.

Curug Sibedil is a natural waterfall tourism destination located in Paninggaran Village, Paninggaran District, Pemalang Regency, Central Java Province, Indonesia. This site is widely recognized as a relatively unspoiled natural attraction that has not yet undergone extensive commercial development. As a result, Curug Sibedil offers visitors a serene and refreshing nature-based tourism experience, far removed from urban congestion. The waterfall has gradually become one of the natural icons of the southern highland region of Pemalang Regency, an area characterized by rolling hills, community forests, agricultural land, and lush green landscapes.

Geographically, Curug Sibedil is situated in a hilly highland zone adjacent to a mountain river system. The surrounding environment enjoys cooler temperatures compared to lowland settlements, particularly in the early morning and late afternoon. The natural vegetation around the waterfall consists of large trees, wild shrubs, and understory plants that thrive in humid riverbank ecosystems. This ecological composition creates not only a visually appealing environment but also contributes to improved air quality and ecological balance in the area.

The waterfall features a clear and continuous flow of water originating from mountain springs that remain active even during the dry season. During the rainy season, the water discharge increases significantly, enhancing the dramatic and scenic quality of the waterfall. The water cascades from a considerable height into a naturally formed pool below, producing ripples and fine mist that envelop the surrounding area. This natural pool is frequently used by visitors for light swimming, water play, or simply soaking their feet while enjoying the tranquil atmosphere.

Accessibility to Curug Sibedil
Access to Curug Sibedil is relatively manageable by land transportation, although the terrain becomes more challenging when approaching the village area and the final parking point. From the center of Pemalang Regency, the distance to Paninggaran Village is approximately 30–40 kilometers, with a travel time of around 1.5 to 2 hours, depending on traffic and weather conditions. The main route generally follows district roads toward the southern part of Pemalang, which are mostly paved, before continuing onto village roads within Paninggaran District.

The main roads leading from Pemalang city to Paninggaran Village are generally in good condition. However, once entering the village access roads toward the tourist site, road conditions gradually shift to narrower paths with thinning asphalt and, in some sections, stone or dirt surfaces. During the rainy season, these village roads may become slippery and muddy, requiring extra caution for both motorcycle and car users. Although the route is relatively narrow and follows hilly contours, the journey is enhanced by scenic views of rural settlements, coffee plantations, rice fields, and small streams.

After reaching the designated parking area at the end of the village road, visitors must continue on foot to reach the waterfall. The trekking distance ranges from approximately 500 meters to 1.2 kilometers, depending on the parking location. The trekking path consists of natural footpaths that pass through community farmland, secondary forest areas, and small river crossings. While not overly strenuous, the trail requires appropriate footwear, especially during the rainy season when paths may become muddy or slippery.

This short trekking journey is considered an integral part of the tourism experience, allowing visitors to immerse themselves in the natural environment through the sounds of flowing water, birdsong, and rustling leaves. It also serves as a form of light physical activity that enhances relaxation and connection with nature.

Tourism Facilities at Curug Sibedil
As a community-based natural tourism destination, Curug Sibedil is equipped with basic facilities designed to support visitor comfort without compromising the area’s natural character. Near the entrance area, there is a simple parking facility that accommodates both motorcycles and cars. This parking area is typically managed by local residents and serves as an important source of income for the village community.

In addition, several small local stalls operate near the entrance or along the access route, selling snacks, beverages, and basic necessities such as bottled water. These stalls are particularly helpful for visitors after completing the trekking route. Interaction between tourists and local residents often creates a friendly and welcoming atmosphere, while also contributing to the local economy.

Other available facilities include simple gazebos or resting huts located at certain points along the trekking route and near rest areas. These structures function as shelters from the sun and as resting spots for visitors, especially families and group travelers. Although modest in construction, these facilities significantly enhance visitor convenience.

At the main waterfall area, basic toilet and changing facilities are available. While these amenities are relatively simple compared to modern recreational parks, they sufficiently meet the basic needs of visitors. Local managers and residents regularly encourage tourists to use these facilities responsibly to maintain cleanliness and environmental quality.

Waste management remains an important concern. Although trash bins are limited, visitors are strongly encouraged to carry their waste back and avoid littering. Environmental awareness and collective responsibility are continuously promoted by local residents and tourism managers as part of sustainable tourism education.

Entrance Fees and Tourism Costs
The entrance fee to Curug Sibedil is relatively low, making it an affordable destination for a wide range of visitors, including students, families, and local tourists. Visitors are typically charged a small entrance fee, managed by the local community or village tourism group. The fee generally ranges from IDR 5,000 to IDR 15,000 per person, depending on local policies and visitation conditions.

In addition to the entrance fee, a parking fee is also charged at a modest and transparent rate. Revenue from entrance and parking fees is allocated for maintaining access paths, cleanliness, and basic facility improvements, as well as supporting community development programs. This pricing policy aims to encourage tourism while ensuring that economic benefits are directly distributed to local residents.
Tourist Attractions and Activities

The primary attraction of Curug Sibedil lies in its natural and unspoiled waterfall scenery. Visitors can enjoy the clear flowing water, swim or play in the natural pool, explore the riverbanks, or simply relax under the shade of trees while listening to the sounds of nature. The site is also popular among nature photographers due to its unique rock formations and lush green background, which create visually appealing compositions from various angles.

The surrounding area is frequently used for family recreation and environmental education activities. Children can learn about natural ecosystems, water cycles, vegetation, and small wildlife inhabiting river and forest environments. The trekking route itself provides added value as a healthy recreational activity that combines light exercise with natural exploration.

Environmental Conservation and Community Empowerment
The management of Curug Sibedil emphasizes environmental conservation and sustainable use. Local communities play an active role in preserving the site through collective clean-up activities, tree planting, and environmental awareness campaigns aimed at visitors. These efforts reflect local wisdom that respects nature while utilizing it responsibly as a source of livelihood. Community participation fosters a strong sense of ownership and responsibility, ensuring that tourism development remains balanced with environmental protection. This social capital serves as a key foundation for the long-term sustainability of Curug Sibedil as a nature-based tourism destination.

Image: https://visitjawatengah.jatengprov.go.id/id/destinasi-wisata/curug-sibedil

Curug Bengkawah is one of the prominent natural tourism destinations located in Sikasur Village, Belik District, Pemalang Regency, Central Java Province. This destination is widely recognized as a natural waterfall that remains well preserved and offers a mountain-based nature tourism experience characterized by a cool, tranquil, and pristine atmosphere. The presence of Curug Bengkawah constitutes an important part of the tourism landscape of southern Pemalang Regency, an area dominated by hills and the foothills of Mount Slamet.

Geographically, Curug Bengkawah is situated in a highland area at a considerable elevation, resulting in relatively cool temperatures throughout the year. The surrounding environment is dominated by community forests, smallholder plantations, and well-maintained natural vegetation. These conditions make Curug Bengkawah an ideal destination for visitors seeking serenity, fresh air, and a natural setting far removed from urban congestion.

The main attraction of Curug Bengkawah lies in its tall and powerful waterfall, where water cascades down a natural rock cliff, creating a majestic and visually striking panorama. The water originates from mountain springs, making it clear and clean, especially during the dry season. The fine mist produced by the falling water adds to the refreshing sensation and enhances the site’s natural and exotic appeal.

The name “Bengkawah” is believed to originate from a local term associated with the strong and winding flow of water among rocks. According to local narratives, Curug Bengkawah has long been known as part of the living space of the surrounding community, serving both as a water source and as an area with significant ecological value. As regional tourism has developed, the waterfall has gradually been managed and promoted more widely as a natural tourist attraction.

Access to Curug Bengkawah is relatively convenient, particularly from the center of Belik District. From Pemalang City, the distance to the site is approximately 35–40 kilometers, with a travel time of around 1.5 to 2 hours by motorized vehicle. Visitors travel through hilly routes offering scenic views of rice fields, plantations, and forests, which enhance the overall journey. Most of the roads leading to Sikasur Village are paved, although some sections near the site remain narrow village roads that are still accessible to both two- and four-wheeled vehicles.

Upon reaching the parking area, visitors must continue on foot along a trekking path of several hundred meters to reach the waterfall. This path is equipped with simple footpaths, steps, and handrails at several steep points. The walk to the waterfall becomes an integral part of the tourism experience, as visitors are immersed in lush green scenery, the sound of flowing water, and fresh mountain air.

In terms of facilities, Curug Bengkawah is supported by adequate basic tourism infrastructure. At the entrance area, visitors will find ticket booths, parking facilities, and small stalls selling food and beverages. Public amenities such as toilets and resting areas are also available, although they remain modest in nature. Facility management is carried out by local communities in collaboration with village authorities as part of a community-based tourism development approach.

The entrance fee to Curug Bengkawah is relatively affordable and accessible to visitors from various backgrounds. Generally, visitors are charged a modest entrance fee of only a few thousand Indonesian rupiah per person, along with a parking fee for vehicles. This pricing policy aims to encourage tourist visits while providing direct economic benefits to the local community through small-scale service and trade activities.

Tourism activities at Curug Bengkawah are varied but remain centered on nature-based experiences. Visitors can enjoy the waterfall scenery, take photographs with an exotic natural backdrop, play in the water around the river area, or simply relax and appreciate the surrounding atmosphere. For nature photography enthusiasts, Curug Bengkawah offers numerous appealing angles with natural compositions of water, rocks, and green vegetation.

In addition, the area surrounding Curug Bengkawah is often used for family recreation and environmental education tourism. Children and students can learn about natural ecosystems, the water cycle, and the importance of preserving forests and natural resources. In this context, Curug Bengkawah functions not only as a recreational site but also as an educational medium with significant environmental value.

The existence of Curug Bengkawah contributes positively to the local economy of Sikasur Village and its surrounding areas. Tourism activities have encouraged the growth of small businesses such as food stalls, parking services, local guides, and the sale of local products. This development demonstrates that nature-based tourism can serve as a viable strategy for improving rural livelihoods when managed sustainably.

From an environmental conservation perspective, the management of Curug Bengkawah is directed toward maintaining a balance between utilization and preservation. Visitors are encouraged to respect the environment by avoiding damage to natural features, refraining from littering, and maintaining cleanliness within the tourist area. Collective awareness among managers and visitors is essential to ensuring the sustainability of this destination for future generations.

Within the broader context of tourism development in Pemalang Regency, Curug Bengkawah holds significant potential to be further developed as a leading natural attraction. Its natural beauty, relatively good accessibility, and strong support from the local community constitute key assets for its continued growth. With improved facilities, sustained promotion, and professional management, Curug Bengkawah has the potential to become one of the iconic natural tourism destinations that strengthens Pemalang’s image as a region known for nature-based and ecotourism attractions.

Overall, Curug Bengkawah represents the natural wealth of Pemalang Regency in an authentic and unspoiled form. This destination offers a simple yet meaningful tourism experience, inviting visitors to reconnect with nature and appreciate environmental balance and beauty. As part of the region’s tourism potential, Curug Bengkawah deserves continued promotion and sustainable development as a valuable natural heritage.

Image: https://atourin.com/destination/pemalang/curug-bengkawah

Talking about silat in the Cilegon area cannot be separated from the figure of Jamhari, a jawara (martial champion) of Berru Sakti who has trained more than 10,000 students. Born in Cilegon on January 10, 1952, Jamhari grew up immersed in the world of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). After completing elementary school (1960–1965) and Madrasah Tsanawiyah (1967), he studied at various pesantren across Pandeglang, Garut, Ciamis, Tasikmalaya, Cirebon, Jombang (Tebu Ireng), and Ponorogo (Gontor).

In these pesantren, Jamhari studied not only religious sciences but also silat. Martial arts were not unfamiliar to him, as his homeland—Cilegon/Banten—has long been known as the land of jawara. Historically, long before the arrival of Islam in Banten, martial arts were taught to soldiers for defense and territorial expansion of kingdoms. After Islam spread, these martial traditions were further developed by Islamic scholars and came to be known as silat or penca.

After completing his studies, Jamhari returned home to apply his knowledge within the local community. However, in matters of martial arts, he did not simply adopt the teachings of his former masters. Instead, he sought to blend their teachings with those of his new teacher, Zuhri, creating his own silat forms, which he named Berru Sakti or Kera Sakti (also the name of his martial arts school).

The name derives from the fighting movements of the berru (monkey), which inspired the techniques he created. The story traces back to a farmer named Ibu Melati. While on her way to her field at the edge of a forest, she witnessed a fight between a berru and a tiger, which the berru surprisingly won. Amazed by the berru’s prowess, she later reenacted its movements at home, eventually developing new silat techniques.

Ibu Melati passed this knowledge on to Ahmad. After Ahmad passed away, several years later she transmitted it again to Salim and Zuhri. It was from Zuhri that Jamhari learned Berru Sakti silat and was encouraged to establish a martial arts school around 1980. Over time, Jamhari also incorporated techniques from other martial arts to enhance the effectiveness of his Berru Sakti forms for self-defense.

As time went on, Jamhari did not limit himself to martial arts alone. His high level of creativity extended into other fields, including the traditional art of bendrong lesung. Bendrong lesung is performed by women during the harvest season as an expression of gratitude to God Almighty. The performance involves rhythmically striking wooden pestles (alu) against a rice mortar (lesung), producing a distinctive rhythm accompanied by dancing and singing Sundanese and Bantenese songs.

In addition to bendrong lesung, Jamhari is also skilled in crafting golok (traditional machetes). The golok he makes has a distinctive “C” shape, with the blade sharpened on the inner curve. This form symbolizes the intention of the wielder to defend what lies within—oneself, one’s family, and the nation.

Jamhari produces two types of golok: those made from ordinary iron and those made from 7P materials (chisel, hammer, hoe, crowbar, spring, nail, and pipe). Ordinary golok are made daily, while 7P golok are crafted exclusively during the month of Maulid over a period of 12 days. Both share the same “C” shape, with handles carved from wood in the form of a tiger’s head. The blade measures approximately 44 centimeters in length and 4 centimeters in width, with a sheath measuring 34.5 centimeters in length and 11 centimeters in width.

It should be noted that, in addition to these activities, Jamhari also holds various professional roles outside the arts, including water purification specialist; consultant and security advisor at Krakatau Steel; advisor at Krakatau Bandar Samudra, PT Krakatau Samudra, and Krakatau Tirta Industri; advisor at Banten Port; and coordinator of supervisors at SPBU Krenceng.

In his religious activities, Jamhari is also active in holding tausiyah and dhikr every Thursday night at his residence. At the same place, he practices traditional healing using heated mercury-based methods and conducts tarik urat exercises for physical health.

Jojorong is one of the traditional culinary products of Banten Province that possesses strong historical, cultural, and symbolic significance within the local community. This traditional steamed cake is made primarily from rice flour, coconut milk, and palm sugar, and is typically served in cylindrical containers made from banana leaves. Within the context of local culture, jojorong is not merely understood as a food product, but also as part of a symbolic system that represents the cultural identity of the Bantenese people, particularly among agrarian and coastal communities. As noted by Koentjaraningrat (2009), traditional foods constitute one of the universal elements of culture, functioning as a medium for expressing values, norms, and social structures within a society.

In the everyday life of the Bantenese community, jojorong is commonly served during religious gatherings, Islamic celebrations, family ceremonies, and communal thanksgiving events. Its presence in such sacred and social occasions indicates that jojorong holds symbolic meanings that go beyond daily consumption. The dish represents respect, togetherness, and gratitude—values that are deeply embedded in Bantenese culture. Lubis (2014) emphasizes that traditional cuisine in Banten cannot be separated from the historical influence of the Banten Sultanate and the development of Islamic coastal societies, where food plays a significant role in reinforcing social cohesion and hospitality.

Therefore, the study of jojorong must be situated within an interdisciplinary framework encompassing history, anthropology, and culinary studies. Such an approach enables a comprehensive understanding of its origins, ingredients, traditional utensils, and preparation processes as an integral part of Banten’s intangible cultural heritage.

The Historical Origins of Jojorong
Historically, jojorong is believed to have originated from the culinary traditions of Banten society that developed during the pre-colonial period and continued through the era of the Banten Sultanate. As a region dominated by agrarian and coastal livelihoods, Banten communities relied heavily on local food resources such as rice, coconuts, and palm sugar. Reid (2011) notes that societies in Southeast Asia have long developed rice-based food systems, which later gave rise to various forms of traditional steamed cakes.

Jojorong represents this food system. The use of rice flour reflects the central role of rice as a staple food, while coconut milk and palm sugar illustrate the utilization of abundant natural resources. In local oral traditions, jojorong is often associated with communal labor and social cooperation, particularly during preparations for religious and customary events. Its relatively simple preparation process, which nonetheless requires patience and attentiveness, makes jojorong a dish commonly prepared collectively, especially by women within the community.

From a cultural perspective, the use of banana leaves as containers for jojorong holds symbolic meaning. Banana leaves function not only as natural packaging but also as representations of harmony between humans and nature. Wessing (1997) explains that in Javanese and Sundanese cultures, the use of natural materials in food preparation reflects a cosmological worldview that emphasizes balance between human life and the environment. Consequently, jojorong can be understood as a cultural product shaped by the interaction between humans, nature, and local belief systems.

Ingredients Used in Jojorong Preparation
The primary ingredients used in jojorong preparation include rice flour, coconut milk, palm sugar, and salt. Rice flour serves as the base ingredient that provides the cake’s soft and slightly elastic texture. Coconut milk contributes a rich savory flavor and enhances the dish’s distinctive aroma, while palm sugar functions as a natural sweetener that produces a caramel-like taste. Salt is added in small quantities to balance the overall flavor profile.

The selection of these ingredients reflects local knowledge regarding the utilization of surrounding natural resources. According to Winarno (2014), traditional Indonesian cuisine typically employs locally available ingredients that can be processed using simple techniques yet yield complex flavors. In the case of jojorong, the use of palm sugar also indicates a preference for natural sweeteners over refined sugar, which only became widely available during the colonial period.

In addition to the main ingredients, some contemporary variations of jojorong include pandan leaves to enhance aroma or small amounts of sago flour to modify texture. However, in traditional practice, jojorong recipes tend to remain simple and maintain the original composition passed down through generations. This consistency demonstrates a conscious effort to preserve culinary traditions as an integral part of local cultural identity.

Traditional Utensils Used in Making Jojorong
The utensils used in jojorong preparation are relatively simple and reflect the traditional technology of Banten society. Essential tools include mixing bowls, wooden spoons or stirrers, pots for boiling coconut milk and palm sugar, and steamers for the cooking process. Banana leaves are also indispensable, serving as both containers and wrappers for the batter.

The use of traditional utensils demonstrates that jojorong production does not require complex modern technology. Koentjaraningrat (2009) explains that traditional technologies in Indonesian societies develop based on principles of efficiency and environmental compatibility. In this context, steaming allows even cooking without damaging the batter’s texture, while banana leaves function as environmentally friendly containers that impart a distinctive aroma to the food.

These utensils also possess social and cultural dimensions. The simple tools used in jojorong preparation facilitate collective participation, particularly in communal cooking settings. Such activities provide opportunities for social interaction and intergenerational knowledge transmission, where culinary skills are passed down through direct practice rather than written documentation.

The Process of Making Jojorong
The preparation of jojorong begins with the preparation of the main ingredients. Palm sugar is shaved or chopped into small pieces and then boiled together with coconut milk until fully dissolved, producing a homogeneous sweet liquid. Continuous stirring is required to prevent the coconut milk from separating. The mixture is then strained to remove impurities and coarse fibers.

The next step involves mixing the strained coconut milk mixture with rice flour and a small amount of salt. The batter is stirred until smooth and reaches a semi-liquid consistency. This consistency is crucial, as it directly affects the final texture of the jojorong. Winarno (2014) emphasizes that achieving the proper balance between liquid and flour is a key factor in producing high-quality traditional steamed cakes.

Once the batter is ready, banana leaves are shaped into cylindrical or cup-like containers and secured with bamboo pins or toothpicks. The batter is poured into these containers, which are then steamed for approximately 20–30 minutes until fully cooked. The steaming process allows the batter to solidify gradually, resulting in a smooth texture and well-integrated flavors.

After cooking, the jojorong is allowed to cool before serving. In traditional Bantenese practice, jojorong is typically served at room temperature and shared among family members or guests. The relatively simple yet meticulous preparation process reflects values of patience and diligence that are central to local culinary traditions.

Jojorong as Intangible Cultural Heritage
In contemporary society, jojorong faces challenges stemming from changing consumption patterns and the dominance of modern food products. Nevertheless, jojorong continues to be found in traditional markets, religious gatherings, and cultural events. Lubis (2014) asserts that preserving traditional cuisine is an essential component of maintaining local cultural identity amid rapid globalization.

As an element of intangible cultural heritage, jojorong must be preserved not only as a food item but also as a cultural practice encompassing knowledge, skills, and social values. Documentation, education, and promotion of traditional culinary practices represent strategic efforts to ensure the sustainability of jojorong as a living cultural heritage of the Bantenese people.

Image: https://www.tribunnews.com/ramadan/2025/03/23/jojorong-makanan-khas-banten-naik-kelas-andra-soni-dorong-pariwisata-kuliner-di-banten

References:
Koentjaraningrat. 2009. Pengantar ilmu antropologi. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Lubis, N. H. 2014. Banten dalam pergumulan sejarah. Serang: Dinas Kebudayaan Provinsi Banten.
Reid, A. 2011. Asia Tenggara dalam kurun niaga 1450–1680. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.
Wessing, R. 1997. Cosmology and social behavior in Sundanese culture. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 28(2), 234–256.
Winarno, F. G. 2014. Kuliner tradisional Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

Sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas L.) is one of Indonesia’s important food commodities, characterized by wide varietal diversity and high utility value—as a food source, industrial raw material, and object of cultural study. Among the various sweet potato varieties cultivated across the Indonesian archipelago, Cilembu sweet potato holds a special position due to its distinctive taste, texture, and economic value. It is widely known as a sweet potato that releases a honey-like liquid when roasted, and is therefore often referred to as a honey sweet potato in the international market.

Geographically, Cilembu sweet potato originates from Cilembu Village, Pamulihan District, Sumedang Regency, West Java. Its uniqueness lies not only in the plant’s genetic traits, but also in the environmental conditions and local cultivation practices that shape the final product quality. Accordingly, Cilembu sweet potato can be understood as a local food product born from a complex interaction among natural factors, farmers’ traditional knowledge, and the social and economic dynamics of the local community (Rukmana, 2013).

In cultural studies, local food is not viewed merely as a consumable commodity, but also as a symbol of identity and cultural heritage. Koentjaraningrat (2009) emphasizes that traditional food systems are an integral part of culture because they reflect patterns of human adaptation to the environment as well as the social values that develop within society. Thus, Cilembu sweet potato is important not only from agronomic and economic perspectives, but also holds cultural significance worthy of academic study.
Origin and History of Cilembu Sweet Potato

The history of Cilembu sweet potato is closely linked to the development of smallholder agriculture in the Sumedang region since the colonial period. Based on local agricultural records, this variety has been cultivated for generations by communities in Cilembu Village and its surroundings since the early twentieth century. Although there is no highly detailed written documentation regarding its initial development, oral traditions among local farmers indicate that Cilembu sweet potato is the result of natural and cultivated selection carried out continuously by the community (Sutoro & Minantyorini, 2016).

This selection process involved choosing tubers with the sweetest taste, softest texture, and good storability. Over time, these practices produced a local variety with characteristics distinct from common sweet potatoes. These advantages later became widely recognized and attracted attention in regional and national markets.

In the 1990s, Cilembu sweet potato began to gain broader recognition through promotion by local governments and academic research highlighting its superior quality. Since then, it has developed into a leading regional commodity and has become part of the agrarian identity of Sumedang Regency (Balitbang Pertanian, 2018).

Agronomic Characteristics and Nutritional Content
Agronomically, Cilembu sweet potato belongs to the group of sweet potatoes with yellow to orange flesh. This coloration indicates a relatively high beta-carotene content, which functions as provitamin A and plays an important role in human health. According to Woolfe (1992), orange-fleshed sweet potatoes are among the best sources of beta-carotene among root crops.

The primary uniqueness of Cilembu sweet potato lies in its natural sugar content, particularly maltose, which increases significantly when the tuber is heated through roasting. The heating process triggers the activity of amylase enzymes that convert starch into simple sugars, resulting in a natural sweetness and a honey-like liquid. This phenomenon makes Cilembu sweet potato sensorially distinct from other sweet potato varieties (Rukmana, 2013).

In terms of nutritional value, Cilembu sweet potato contains complex carbohydrates, dietary fiber, vitamin C, B-complex vitamins, and minerals such as potassium and magnesium. Its fiber content helps maintain digestive health, while potassium contributes to electrolyte balance and cardiovascular function (FAO, 2017). Thus, Cilembu sweet potato can be categorized as a local food that is not only delicious but also nutritious.

Growing Environment and Cultivation Practices
The quality of Cilembu sweet potato is strongly influenced by the environmental conditions in which it is grown. Soils in the Cilembu area are predominantly sandy loam with good drainage and specific mineral content that supports the development of sweetness. In addition, differences between daytime and nighttime temperatures in the hilly areas of Sumedang affect the plant’s metabolic processes (Sutoro & Minantyorini, 2016).

Cultivation practices for Cilembu sweet potato largely retain traditional methods. Farmers typically use vine cuttings from previous crops as planting material and rely on organic fertilizers to maintain soil fertility. This system reflects principles of sustainable agriculture passed down through generations.

Harvesting is usually carried out after a growing period of about four to five months. The harvested tubers are then stored for several weeks before consumption or marketing. This storage process serves to increase sugar content and improve flavor quality, forming an important post-harvest practice rooted in the local wisdom of Cilembu farmers (Balitbang Pertanian, 2018).
Cilembu Sweet Potato in Social and Cultural Perspectives

In the lives of Sumedang communities, Cilembu sweet potato functions not only as an agricultural commodity but also as a symbol of local identity. It is commonly served at family gatherings, social events, and as a regional souvenir. Its presence in these contexts demonstrates that Cilembu sweet potato holds social functions beyond its economic value.

Koentjaraningrat (2009) notes that traditional foods function as media for building social solidarity and transmitting cultural values. In this context, Cilembu sweet potato symbolizes the community’s attachment to land, farming traditions, and local identity. Knowledge about how to cultivate, harvest, and process Cilembu sweet potato is passed down informally across generations through everyday practice.

Economic Role and Preservation Challenges
Economically, Cilembu sweet potato contributes significantly to local farmers’ income. High market demand, both domestically and internationally, makes it an important economic resource. However, increasing demand also brings challenges, such as the risk of declining quality due to expansion of cultivation beyond its original area, where environmental conditions differ.

Several studies indicate that Cilembu sweet potatoes grown outside the Cilembu region often fail to produce the same flavor characteristics. This underscores the importance of the concept of terroir in local agricultural products, where quality is strongly influenced by environmental and cultural factors (FAO, 2017).

Therefore, efforts to preserve Cilembu sweet potato should address not only production aspects, but also the protection of local knowledge and supporting ecosystems. The development of geographical indication status represents one strategy to maintain the authenticity and sustainability of Cilembu sweet potato as a local food heritage.

Cilembu sweet potato is a clear example of how local food can represent the close interconnection between nature, culture, and community identity. Its superior taste and nutritional value cannot be separated from its history, growing environment, and traditional cultivation practices maintained by the people of Cilembu Village. From an academic perspective, Cilembu sweet potato is not merely an agricultural commodity, but a cultural heritage encompassing historical, social, and ecological values.

Preserving and developing Cilembu sweet potato requires a multidisciplinary approach that integrates agronomic, economic, and cultural aspects. In this way, Cilembu sweet potato can continue to endure as a symbol of local identity while contributing to food security and community welfare.

Image: https://www.astronauts.id/p/ubi-cilembu-astro-farm-550gram?srsltid=AfmBOop-e8-u6bOLkWrg80NpeuSocKIZv7tEgYBqeMSH5skeLzi6Qaq_
References
Balitbang Pertanian. 2018. Pengembangan ubi jalar unggulan lokal. Jakarta: Kementerian Pertanian Republik Indonesia.
FAO. 2017. Roots, tubers, plantains and bananas in human nutrition. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization.
Koentjaraningrat. 2009. Pengantar ilmu antropologi. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Rukmana, R. 2013. Ubi jalar: Budidaya dan pascapanen. Yogyakarta: Kanisius.
Sutoro, & Minantyorini. 2016. Keragaman genetik dan potensi ubi jalar lokal Indonesia. Jurnal Penelitian Pertanian Tanaman Pangan, 35(2), 95–104. Woolfe, J. A. (1992). Sweet potato: An untapped food resource. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

The Contest of Words

(A Folktale from South Sulawesi)

Once upon a time, there were six brothers. One day, their father passed away, leaving behind an inheritance of only five plots of rice fields. Since there were six brothers but only five plots of land, each of them insisted on owning one. As a result, a dispute broke out among them, with each brother stubbornly claiming his right to a plot of land.

In order to prevent the conflict from escalating, the eldest brother spoke up and said, “It would be better if we hold a contest of words. Whoever speaks the greatest words shall own all the rice fields left by our father. Let us not continue quarrelling.” The other brothers agreed with their eldest sibling’s suggestion.

They then sat in a circle and invited the eldest brother to begin the contest. The eldest said, “Once, I went into the forest and found a tree so enormous that it took me an entire day and night to walk around its trunk.” The other brothers nodded, listening attentively to his words.

“That is not so impressive,” said the second brother. “On one occasion, while I was traveling, I encountered a chisel embedded in the ground. It was so tall and massive that the tip of its handle reached the sky!”

The third brother responded, “There is something even greater than that. Once, I encountered a buffalo so enormous that the tip of its horn alone could be used as a ball for playing games.”

“That is nothing,” said the fourth brother. “I once found a rattan vine so long that it could encircle the entire earth.”

The fifth brother then added, “There is something far greater still. I once found a mosque so vast that I even performed the Friday prayer inside it. The mosque was so huge that from where I prayed, I could not see the imam at the front. And even if he could be seen, he would appear no larger than a germ.”

“Now it is your turn, youngest brother. What will you say?” asked the eldest.

The youngest brother replied, “I once found a drum that, when struck only once, continued to resonate endlessly. Even now, its echo can still be heard. Try covering your ears—you will still hear its reverberation.”

As the five brothers covered their ears, they soon heard a sound that was actually nothing more than the wind. Astonished, the eldest brother asked, “Where did you obtain the wood to make a drum frame that could resonate for so long?”

“I believe you once found a tree so large that it took you an entire day and night to walk around it. That very tree was used to make the drum’s frame,” answered the youngest.

“And what tool was used to shape the drum frame?” asked the second brother.

“Did you not say you once saw a chisel whose blade was embedded in the earth while its handle reached the sky? That chisel was used to carve the wood for the drum frame,” replied the youngest.

The third brother then asked, “Where did you obtain the skin to make the drumhead?”

“Did you not say you once encountered a buffalo so large that the tip of its horn could be used to play ball? The skin of that buffalo was used to make the vibrating membrane, while its horn served as the drumstick,” said the youngest.

“And where did you get the material to tie and hang the drum?” asked the fourth brother.

“Did you not say you once found a rattan vine long enough to encircle the earth? That rattan was used to bind and suspend the drum,” answered the youngest.

“Well then,” said the fifth brother, “the drum must be enormous. Where was it placed?”

“Did you not say you once prayed in a mosque so vast that the imam appeared no larger than a germ? If you look carefully, you will surely find it. The drum is hung in one corner of the mosque and is used to mark the times of prayer,” replied the youngest.

Hearing the youngest brother’s explanation, the five older brothers nodded in agreement. Finally, representing the others, the eldest brother said, “You are the winner, younger brother. You are entitled to inherit all of our father’s property.”

Source:
Freely adapted from Rasyid, Abdul & Muhammad Abidin Nur. (1999). Cerita Rakyat Daerah Wajo di Sulawesi Selatan. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Department of Education and Culture.

Angeun Lada is one of the traditional culinary dishes of Banten Province that holds an important position in the social and cultural life of the local community. This dish is widely known as a spicy soup-based food made primarily from meat (commonly beef or goat) cooked with a variety of local spices. From the perspective of food anthropology, Angeun Lada should not be understood merely as a means of fulfilling biological needs, but also as an expression of cultural identity and a symbol of social relations within Bantenese society. Traditional foods often function as media through which values, norms, and social structures of a community are represented (Koentjaraningrat, 2009).

Linguistically, the term angeun in the Bantenese Sundanese language refers to soup-based dishes or curries, while lada means spicy. This naming directly reflects the dish’s defining characteristic, namely its rich broth dominated by a strong spicy flavor. Spiciness in Angeun Lada is not simply a matter of taste preference, but is also closely related to the geographical and climatic conditions of Banten. In agrarian and coastal societies, spicy food is traditionally believed to warm the body and enhance stamina, particularly for individuals engaged in physically demanding labor (Winarno, 2014).

The historical roots of Angeun Lada cannot be separated from Banten’s strategic position as a coastal region that, since the sixteenth century, developed into an important international trading port and a center for the spread of Islam in the Indonesian archipelago. Guillot (2008) notes that the Sultanate of Banten maintained extensive trade networks with Arab, Indian, Persian, and other Southeast Asian regions. Such intense cross-cultural interactions significantly influenced many aspects of Bantenese life, including belief systems, language, arts, and culinary traditions. In this context, Angeun Lada can be understood as a product of cultural acculturation between local culinary practices and foreign spice-based cooking traditions.

In the oral traditions of Bantenese society, Angeun Lada is often associated with dishes served during important communal events, such as Islamic religious celebrations, village rituals, family feasts, and other ceremonial occasions. Its presence in sacred and communal contexts demonstrates that food serves symbolic functions beyond everyday consumption. Lubis (2014) explains that in Bantenese culture, the presentation of specific foods during ritual events functions as a symbol of respect, social solidarity, and gratitude toward God.

The cultural values embodied in Angeun Lada are also reflected in the way it is prepared, which is often done collectively. During large social events, the cooking process involves multiple community members working together in a spirit of mutual cooperation (gotong royong). This activity is not merely intended to produce food, but also serves as a space for social interaction where culinary knowledge, cooking techniques, and cultural meanings are transmitted orally from older generations to younger ones (Suryani, 2016).

From the perspective of symbolic anthropology, Angeun Lada can be interpreted as a representation of simplicity and perseverance, values that characterize Bantenese society. Although the ingredients are relatively simple and locally sourced, the cooking process requires time and patience. The meat must be simmered for a long period to achieve tenderness and allow the spices to fully infuse the broth. This process reflects a worldview that values diligence and respect for gradual processes, principles that are also deeply embedded in traditional social life (Koentjaraningrat, 2009).

The main ingredient of Angeun Lada is meat, typically beef or goat. Goat meat is particularly common due to its availability and robust flavor, which pairs well with strong spices. In addition to meat, offal such as tripe, lungs, or liver is often included to enhance the dish’s flavor and texture. The use of offal reflects the principle of utilizing food resources holistically, a form of local wisdom rooted in traditional practices of sustainable consumption (Suryani, 2016).

The spices used in Angeun Lada include red chilies and bird’s eye chilies as the primary sources of heat, along with shallots, garlic, ginger, galangal, turmeric, coriander, bay leaves, and lemongrass. This combination creates a complex flavor profile while simultaneously reflecting the rich biodiversity of the Indonesian archipelago. Reid (2011) emphasizes that spices are not merely culinary ingredients, but also key elements that have shaped the economic and cultural history of Southeast Asia.

The preparation of Angeun Lada begins with cleaning and cutting the meat, followed by boiling it to produce a base broth and reduce the strong aroma commonly associated with goat meat. The first boiling water is usually discarded to achieve a cleaner taste. This technique is widely practiced in traditional Indonesian meat preparation (Winarno, 2014). The ground spices are then sautéed until fragrant to release their aromas and flavors.

The sautéed spices are subsequently added to the meat broth along with aromatic ingredients such as bay leaves and lemongrass. The dish is then simmered over low heat for an extended period until the meat becomes tender and the broth thickens. This slow-cooking technique allows the spices to penetrate deeply into the meat, resulting in a rich and layered flavor. In traditional Indonesian culinary philosophy, such methods are regarded as a form of respect for both the ingredients and the guests who will consume the dish (Winarno, 2014).

In contemporary society, Angeun Lada remains preserved as an essential element of Banten’s culinary identity. It is not only prepared in household settings, but also featured in traditional restaurants, culinary festivals, and cultural tourism promotions. Efforts to preserve traditional foods such as Angeun Lada are increasingly important in the face of globalization, which tends to homogenize tastes and consumption patterns (Lubis, 2014).

Thus, Angeun Lada should not be understood merely as a spicy soup dish. It represents the history, culture, and identity of the Bantenese people, shaped through long-term interactions between humans, nature, and tradition. The continued existence of Angeun Lada as a traditional culinary practice demonstrates that food plays a strategic role in preserving collective memory and cultural identity within a society.

Image: https://food.detik.com/info-kuliner/d-7395040/angeun-lada-kuliner-warisan-budaya-dari-banten-yang-gurih-pedas
References:
Guillot, C. (2008). Banten: History and civilization from the 10th to the 17th century. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia.
Koentjaraningrat. (2009). Introduction to anthropology. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Lubis, N. H. (2014). Banten in historical discourse. Serang: Banten Provincial Office of Culture.
Reid, A. (2011). Southeast Asia in the age of commerce, 1450–1680. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.
Suryani. (2016). Traditional cuisine as Banten’s cultural identity. Journal of History and Culture, 10(2), 130–145.
Winarno, F. G. (2014). Traditional Indonesian cuisine. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

Rabeg is one of the traditional culinary dishes originating from Banten Province that holds strong historical, cultural, and symbolic value in the daily life of the local community. This dish is made primarily from goat meat cooked with a variety of Indonesian spices and sweet soy sauce, resulting in a savory, sweet, and richly aromatic flavor. More than merely a food item, rabeg occupies an important position within the social and cultural system of Banten society. Lubis (2014) explains that traditional foods function not only to fulfill biological needs but also serve as media for expressing identity, symbols of social status, and means of strengthening social relations within a community.

Within the context of local culture, rabeg is frequently served at religious celebrations, traditional ceremonies, and honorary banquets for distinguished guests. Its presence at such sacred and formal occasions indicates that rabeg carries symbolic meanings that transcend everyday consumption. The dish represents values of respect, togetherness, and gratitude that are deeply upheld in Bantenese culture.

Geographically and historically, Banten is a coastal region that has developed as an important international port in Southeast Asia since the sixteenth century. Guillot (2008) notes that the Banten Sultanate became a bustling center of trade and maintained close relations with Arab, Indian, Persian, and other Asian merchants. The intensity of cross-cultural interactions significantly influenced various aspects of local life, including belief systems, language, arts, and culinary traditions. In this context, rabeg can be understood as a product of cultural acculturation that records the historical traces of trade networks and the spread of Islam along the western coast of Java.

Thus, any discussion of rabeg cannot be separated from the historical, cultural, and social dynamics of Banten society. This culinary tradition constitutes a living cultural heritage passed down through generations and serves as a symbol of local identity that has endured to the present day.
The Historical Origins of Rabeg in Banten

The origins of rabeg are closely linked to the development of the Banten Sultanate during the reign of Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin in the sixteenth century. In studies of Islamic history in the Indonesian archipelago, Ambary (1998) explains that maritime trade routes functioned not only as channels for the exchange of goods but also as pathways for the dissemination of culture, religion, and traditions, including culinary practices. Arab merchants who docked at the Port of Banten introduced various dietary habits, particularly goat meat dishes cooked with strong spices.

The name “rabeg” is believed to have originated from Rabigh, a port city on the Red Sea coast that served as an important stopover for Muslim pilgrims and traders. Rickman (2011) notes that Rabigh played a strategic role in Islamic maritime networks, making it unsurprising that cultural influences from the region spread to Southeast Asia. In this sense, rabeg may be viewed as a local adaptation of Middle Eastern goat-based cuisine, modified according to local tastes and available ingredients.

In Bantenese oral tradition, rabeg is known as a royal dish served to honor distinguished guests, religious scholars, and important figures of the kingdom. From the royal court, the dish gradually spread to the broader community through religious festivities and traditional ceremonies. Suryani (2016) explains that the diffusion of royal cuisine into popular society reflects a process of cultural transformation, in which elite symbols of the court became embedded within the collective identity of the people.

The dissemination of rabeg across social strata also demonstrates the role of cuisine as a medium of social integration. From a royal delicacy, rabeg evolved into a communal dish that reinforces solidarity and a sense of togetherness within Banten society.
Cultural Values and the Philosophy of Rabeg

Rabeg embodies cultural values that reflect the character and worldview of the Bantenese people. In food anthropology, meat consumption is often associated with symbols of prosperity, respect, and social status. Koentjaraningrat (2009) states that in traditional Indonesian societies, meat-based dishes are typically served during significant events as expressions of gratitude and respect toward guests.

This notion is reflected in the tradition of rabeg, which is rarely consumed as a daily meal but is instead reserved for major occasions such as Islamic holidays, family celebrations, and religious gatherings. Serving rabeg in such contexts demonstrates that food functions as a symbol of harmonious social relations and as a means of strengthening interpersonal bonds within the community.

Furthermore, the lengthy cooking process required to prepare rabeg reflects values of patience, perseverance, and respect for process. Winarno (2014) explains that in traditional Indonesian culinary practices, prolonged cooking times are often associated with efforts to achieve a balance of flavors and to honor both the ingredients and the guests who will consume the dish. Thus, rabeg conveys not only sensory pleasure but also ethical and moral values.

The collective preparation of rabeg during large communal events further reinforces the spirit of mutual cooperation (gotong royong). This activity becomes a space for social interaction where cultural values are informally transmitted from older generations to younger ones.
Ingredients Used in Making Rabeg

The primary ingredient in rabeg is goat meat. Typically, young goat meat is preferred to achieve a tender texture and a less pungent aroma. In addition to meat, offal such as liver, lungs, or tripe is often included to enrich the flavor profile. Suryani (2016) notes that the use of offal reflects the principle of comprehensive utilization of food resources within local culinary traditions.

The spices used in rabeg include shallots, garlic, ginger, galangal, lemongrass, coriander, cumin, cinnamon, cloves, cardamom, nutmeg, palm sugar, salt, and sweet soy sauce. This combination reflects the biodiversity of the Indonesian archipelago, which has long been a major center of the global spice trade. Reid (2011) emphasizes that spices were not merely culinary ingredients but also played a crucial role in the economic and cultural history of Southeast Asia.

The use of sweet soy sauce highlights a process of local adaptation to foreign influences. Soy sauce, which developed in Java through interactions with Chinese culture, became a distinctive element that differentiates rabeg from Middle Eastern dishes.
The Process of Making Rabeg

The preparation of rabeg begins with cleaning and cutting the goat meat. The meat is then briefly boiled to reduce its characteristic odor, and the first boiling water is usually discarded. Winarno (2014) explains that this technique is commonly used in traditional goat meat processing to achieve a cleaner taste.

Next, the ground spices are sautéed until fragrant along with aromatic ingredients such as lemongrass and galangal. The goat meat is then added and stirred until evenly coated with the spices. Water is added as needed, and the dish is cooked over low heat for one to two hours until the meat becomes tender and the broth thickens. In the final stage, sweet soy sauce and palm sugar are added to create the characteristic sweet-savory flavor and dark brown color of rabeg (Suryani, 2016).

This slow-cooking technique allows the spices to fully penetrate the meat, producing a rich and complex flavor. The process reflects a traditional culinary philosophy that prioritizes quality and depth of taste over speed of preparation.

Rabeg in the Context of Modern Society
Amid modernization and globalization, rabeg continues to endure as an iconic culinary symbol of Banten. The dish is not only prepared in households but is also featured in traditional restaurants, culinary festivals, and regional tourism promotions. Lubis (2014) emphasizes that preserving traditional cuisine is an essential part of maintaining local cultural identity in the face of rapid social change.

Rabeg also serves as a medium for cultural education for younger generations. Through culinary traditions, historical values, social meanings, and local wisdom can be introduced in a contextual and accessible manner. Consequently, rabeg persists not only as a food but also as a living, dynamic symbol of cultural identity that continues to adapt to changing times.

Image: https://www.djkn.kemenkeu.go.id/kanwil-banten/baca-artikel/15479/Mengenal-Banten-lewat-Semangkuk-Rabeg.html

References
Ambary, H. M. 1998. Menemukan peradaban: Jejak arkeologis dan historis Islam Indonesia. Jakarta: Logos.
Guillot, C. 2008. Banten: Sejarah dan peradaban abad X–XVII. Jakarta: KPG.
Koentjaraningrat. 2009. Pengantar ilmu antropologi. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Lubis, N. H. 2014. Banten dalam pergumulan sejarah. Serang: Dinas Kebudayaan Provinsi Banten.
Reid, A. 2011. Asia Tenggara dalam kurun niaga 1450–1680. Jakarta: Obor.
Rickman, J. 2011. Maritime routes of the Red Sea. London: Routledge.
Suryani. 2016. Kuliner tradisional sebagai identitas budaya Banten. Jurnal Sejarah dan Budaya, 10(2), 140–150.
Winarno, F. G. 2014. Kuliner tradisional Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia.

Within the landscape of Nusantara mythology, the genderuwo occupies an important position as one of the most widely recognized supernatural beings among Javanese communities and several other regions of Indonesia. The presence of this figure does not merely function as part of ghost stories or mystical tales, but also serves as a medium for understanding social dynamics, power structures, gender relations, and the moral systems of traditional societies. Koentjaraningrat (1990) emphasizes that all forms of belief in spirits and supernatural beings in Indonesia are inseparable from cultural structures that contain specific rules, values, and social norms. Stories about the genderuwo, with all their narrative variations, play a far more complex role than simply instilling fear. They represent a cultural construct born from particular social and ecological contexts, while simultaneously embodying collective tensions and anxieties that continue to be reproduced through oral traditions.

In Javanese folkloric historiography, the genderuwo is commonly depicted as a large-bodied creature covered in thick hair, with red eyes and a booming voice or laughter-like sound. Descriptions of its existence were first systematically recorded in Dutch colonial archives compiled by van der Tuuk (1897) and later referenced in early studies of Javanese belief systems by Clifford Geertz (1960) in The Religion of Java, which discusses the presence of spirits and jinn within the abangan cosmology. These narratives subsequently evolved through folktales, theatrical performances, traditional arts, and contemporary popular media such as films, television series, and digital platforms, demonstrating that the genderuwo is a cultural entity that continues to evolve alongside societal change.
The Origins of the Genderuwo Figure

The genderuwo figure is closely linked to animistic and dynamistic traditions that predate Hindu-Buddhist influences in the Nusantara. In early Javanese belief systems, nature was understood to be inhabited by spirits dwelling in large trees, caves, rocks, and sacred places (Stutterheim, 1935). The genderuwo belongs to the category of memedi, beings that occupy the boundary between the human world and the supernatural realm. The arrival of Hindu-Buddhist influence added a new layer to this mythology through the concept of bhuta kala, giant beings or destructive spirits that disturb humans (Zoetmulder, 1983). During the period of Javanese Islam, these concepts blended with the Middle Eastern notion of jinn, resulting in a hybrid figure later known as the genderuwo (Woodward, 1989).

Ethnographically, references to the genderuwo are most prevalent in Central and East Java, though variations of its meaning extend to Sundanese regions (where it is known as gandaruwo), Bali (through figures such as banaspati with similar characteristics), and parts of Sumatra. Classical Javanese texts such as Serat Centhini (18th century) describe the genderuwo as a being inhabiting large trees like banyan and tamarind trees, which symbolize liminal spaces in Javanese cosmology. Thus, the origin of the genderuwo is not singular; it is the result of layered accumulations of local mythology, religious elements, and the collective imagination of agrarian societies deeply connected to nature.
Social Function: Mechanisms of Control and Behavioral Regulation

In folklore studies, the social functions of ghost stories have been widely discussed by scholars such as Heider (1991) and Heryanto (2014), who emphasize that such narratives function as instruments for socializing norms. The genderuwo serves as a tool of social control in several important ways.

First, the genderuwo regulates individual behavior in public spaces considered dangerous. As noted by Koentjaraningrat (1990), Javanese communities often use supernatural figures to impose boundaries on nighttime activities, particularly in dark locations such as rivers, abandoned buildings, bamboo groves, or small forests surrounding villages. Stories portraying the genderuwo as favoring damp, dark, and neglected places act as “ecological warnings,” discouraging people (especially children) from recklessly entering high-risk areas.

Second, the genderuwo is also employed to regulate sexual behavior and societal morality. In popular narratives, it is often depicted approaching women or widows, sometimes disguising itself as a human. These stories function as social mechanisms to maintain boundaries between men and women, encourage self-restraint, and reinforce norms of propriety. In societies that highly value family honor, such narratives effectively caution women to be vigilant in social interactions while simultaneously warning against illicit relationships or inappropriate behavior.

Third, the genderuwo figure is used to reinforce family hierarchies. Parents, for instance, employ genderuwo stories to ensure children return home before dusk, obey their elders, or avoid forbidden places. The effectiveness of these stories lies in their emotional impact (fear) which makes them more memorable than moral advice alone.

Gender, Masculinity, and the Body: An Ambivalent Symbol of Power
If the kuntilanak often symbolizes female trauma, the genderuwo can be read as a representation of wild, aggressive, and uncontrollable masculinity. Davis (2015) argues that male ghost figures in Southeast Asian cultures frequently represent anxieties surrounding toxic masculinity that exceeds social boundaries. The genderuwo embodies an “excessive” form of masculinity: a muscular body, loud voice, extraordinary strength, and heightened sexual drive—attributes perceived as threats to moral order.

In Javanese anthropology, ideal masculinity is characterized as refined (alus) and controlled (Magnis-Suseno, 1997). The genderuwo, by contrast, displays coarse, wild, and uncivilized traits. This creates a cultural opposition between ideal masculinity and deviant masculinity. Consequently, the genderuwo becomes a symbol of collective fear toward men who lose control, both physically and morally.

Moreover, the relationship between the genderuwo and women’s bodies in folk narratives reveals social tensions surrounding sexuality in Javanese culture. Stories of the genderuwo seducing or disguising itself to approach women reflect social anxieties about women’s vulnerability in both private and public spaces. Endraswara (2018) notes that many supernatural beings in Javanese folklore function as representations of “forbidden desires” that cannot be openly expressed. Thus, the genderuwo conveys moral messages about sexual danger, violations of propriety, and the importance of maintaining social boundaries.

Power Relations and Social Structure
The genderuwo figure also operates within contexts of power: who has the authority to instill fear, who must fear, and how the genderuwo’s position in the supernatural hierarchy influences human relations. In some stories, the genderuwo is portrayed as communicating with shamans or individuals possessing supernatural abilities. This relationship reflects social structures in which certain figures—often elderly men or spiritual leaders—hold authority over the management of the supernatural realm. Woodward (1989) shows that relationships between humans and spirits are often used to reinforce the position of spiritual figures as guardians of moral order and communal safety.

Additionally, the genderuwo is frequently associated with places of high social value, such as large trees at the center of villages, old houses considered sacred, or specific ritual sites. The use of genderuwo narratives to guard these locations demonstrates how ghost stories are employed to maintain spatial boundaries and communal ownership. In certain contexts, the genderuwo becomes a symbol of collective power that preserves the identity and integrity of cultural space.
Ecological Function: Guardian of Nature and Sacred Spaces

Like the kuntilanak, which functions as an ecological symbol among Dayak communities (King, 2018), the genderuwo plays a similar role in Javanese society. Narratives portraying the genderuwo as inhabiting large trees, steep cliffs, springs, and secluded places encourage communities not to damage the environment carelessly. This aligns with Wessing’s (1997) analysis, which describes local spirits in Javanese society as “custodians of sacred ecology”—guardians of specific areas who impose punishment on humans who violate boundaries.

In practice, these ecological narratives create effective forms of traditional conservation. Communities avoid cutting down large trees for fear of disturbing supernatural inhabitants and exercise caution when clearing land near water sources. Such beliefs help maintain ecological balance and reduce the risk of environmental disasters such as landslides or droughts.

Liminal Symbolism: Guardian of Boundaries Between Worlds
The genderuwo is a liminal being, existing between the human world and the supernatural realm. Turner (1969) argues that liminal symbols are often used to represent uncertainty, transition, and dangerous zones in traditional cultures. The genderuwo inhabits liminal spaces: the boundary between village and forest, between day and night, between propriety and desire, and between life and death. As a boundary symbol, the genderuwo also functions as an entity that determines who may cross and what consequences follow.

This liminality grants the genderuwo significant symbolic power. It reminds communities to respect transitions—whether spatial, temporal, or normative. In some narratives, it serves as a moral examiner of humans who cross boundaries without adequate social and spiritual awareness.
Contemporary Relevance: Digital Media, Horror Commodification, and Cultural Identity

In the digital era, the genderuwo is no longer confined to oral traditions or traditional performances. It appears in films, television series, comics, online games, and social media content. Burgess and Green (2018) show that platforms such as YouTube encourage the reproduction and reinterpretation of cultural narratives, leading figures like the genderuwo to undergo significant transformation. From a traditional agrarian symbol, the genderuwo has become a pop-horror icon reproduced as memes, urban legends, or even comedic figures.

However, this transformation does not erase its traditional functions. Instead, it demonstrates that the genderuwo remains relevant as a symbol of modern anxieties: fears of unsafe public spaces, sexual violence, gender tension, and ecological threats. In this way, the genderuwo becomes a meeting point between tradition and modernity, a figure that reflects change while preserving its essential symbolic meaning.

Image: https://www.historia.id/article/genderuwo-yang-suka-menakut-nakuti-dpw3l
References:
Burgess, J., & Green, J. 2018. YouTube: Online Video and Participatory Culture. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Davis, R. 2015. Ghosts, Gender, and Power in Southeast Asian Folklore. Journal of Asian Cultural Studies, 12(2), 45–63.
Endraswara, S. 2018. Antropologi Sastra Lisan Jawa. Yogyakarta: Morfalingua.
Geertz, C. 1960. The Religion of Java. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Heider, K. G. 1991. Indonesian Cinema: National Culture on Screen. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.
Heryanto, A. 2014. Identity and Pleasure: The Politics of Indonesian Screen Culture. Singapore: NUS Press.
King, V. T. 2018. Nature Spirits and Environmental Beliefs in Southeast Asia. London: Routledge.
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Batu Kuda Ecotourism is one of the natural tourist attractions located in the Gunung Manglayang area, specifically in Cibiru Wetan Village, Cileunyi District, Bandung Regency, West Java Province. This tourism area lies at a relatively high elevation, resulting in a cool climate and a natural environment that remains largely well preserved. As part of a protected forest and production forest managed by Perhutani, Batu Kuda Ecotourism is developed based on an ecotourism concept that emphasizes a balance between environmental utilization and conservation efforts. The presence of Batu Kuda Ecotourism serves not only as a recreational destination but also as a space for environmental education and a means to gain a deeper understanding of mountain forest ecosystems.

The name “Batu Kuda” is rooted in local folklore that has been passed down through generations. According to legend, a large rock resembling the shape of a horse in this area is believed to possess historical and mythological significance, making it a landmark and identity of the tourist site. Although this folklore does not always have written historical evidence, its existence adds cultural value and enhances the appeal of Batu Kuda Ecotourism. These local stories enrich the visitor experience, as tourists not only enjoy natural scenery but are also introduced to cultural values and local wisdom that thrive among the communities surrounding Gunung Manglayang.

Geographically and ecologically, Batu Kuda Ecotourism is surrounded by vast and dense pine forests. The towering pine trees create a distinctive forest landscape, accompanied by the refreshing scent of pine resin and a shaded, tranquil atmosphere. The forest vegetation in this area consists not only of pine trees but also various undergrowth plants, shrubs, and mountain flora that grow naturally. This vegetation plays a vital role in maintaining ecological balance, preventing soil erosion, and functioning as a water catchment area for the surrounding region. The well-preserved natural condition makes Batu Kuda Ecotourism one of the important green areas in eastern Bandung.

In terms of tourist attractions, Batu Kuda Ecotourism offers calming and refreshing natural panoramas. The clean and cool air is one of the main reasons visitors come to this area to escape the fatigue of urban life. Sunlight filtering through the pine trees creates an aesthetically pleasing natural ambiance, especially in the morning and late afternoon. The sound of wind rustling through the trees, birdsong, and the quiet forest atmosphere provide a natural relaxation experience for visitors. These conditions make Batu Kuda Ecotourism suitable as a family tourism destination, an educational tourism site, and a location for special-interest tourism such as nature photography and environmental observation.

Batu Kuda Ecotourism is also well known as a favorite location for camping activities. The camping area is fairly spacious and located in the middle of a pine forest, offering an immersive and memorable outdoor experience. Supporting facilities such as flat areas for tents, water sources, and relatively easy access routes make this site frequently used for scout activities, leadership training, school programs, and nature-loving communities. Camping activities at Batu Kuda Ecotourism are not only recreational but also educational, as participants are encouraged to connect more closely with nature and learn to live in harmony with the environment.

In addition to camping, visitors to Batu Kuda Ecotourism can engage in various other nature-based activities, such as light trekking, forest walks, and enjoying the designated footpaths. These trekking routes are designed to follow the natural contours of the land, making them not too extreme and accessible to visitors of various age groups. Along the trails, visitors can observe different types of vegetation, forest soil conditions, and well-preserved natural ecosystems. These activities provide an opportunity to better understand the role of forests as life-support systems and vital natural resources that must be conserved.

From a management perspective, Batu Kuda Ecotourism is managed collaboratively by Perhutani and the surrounding local community. Community involvement has a positive impact on the local economy through the provision of parking services, food and beverage stalls, camping equipment rentals, and tour guide services. This management approach not only improves community welfare but also fosters a shared sense of responsibility in preserving the forest area. Local residents play a key role in maintaining cleanliness, safety, and visitor comfort, while simultaneously protecting the natural environment of Batu Kuda Ecotourism.

Overall, Batu Kuda Ecotourism is a natural tourist destination with high ecological, educational, and recreational value. The beauty of its pine forests, the cool and tranquil atmosphere, and the wide range of activities available make this area a leading tourism destination in Bandung Regency. With sustainable management practices and visitor awareness of the importance of environmental conservation, Batu Kuda Ecotourism has great potential to continue developing as a nature tourism area that is not only visually appealing but also provides long-term benefits for environmental preservation and the well-being of the surrounding community.

Image: https://www.idntimes.com/travel/destination/wisata-batu-kuda-1-00-cqkqh-54bcmm

Binuang Waterpark is one of the growing water tourism destinations that has become a popular family recreation choice in Serang Regency, Banten Province. This tourist attraction is designed to provide a pleasant, safe, and affordable holiday experience for people of all ages, ranging from children and teenagers to adults. With its family-friendly water tourism concept, Binuang Waterpark is not only a place for playing, but also a space for gathering and relaxing, offering a cheerful and refreshing atmosphere away from daily routines. The presence of this waterpark also supports the local tourism sector and serves as an alternative form of entertainment for the community without the need to travel far outside the region.

In terms of location, Binuang Waterpark is situated in Binuang District, Serang Regency, Banten, in an area that is relatively easy to access for both local residents and visitors from outside the district. The site can be reached by private vehicles as well as local transportation, with fairly good road conditions and clear directional signage. Its strategic location makes Binuang Waterpark frequently crowded with visitors, especially on weekends, public holidays, and during school vacation periods. The surrounding area still maintains a fairly green and pleasant environment, which adds to visitors’ comfort when enjoying leisure time with their families.

The main attraction of Binuang Waterpark lies in the wide variety of water play facilities it offers. There are adult swimming pools with depths adjusted for swimming and free water activities. In addition, there is a children’s pool with shallow depth specifically designed to ensure safety for younger visitors. This children’s pool is equipped with various water features such as sprinklers, tipping buckets, and mini slides in bright colors that easily attract children’s attention. Visitor safety, especially for children, is a key priority, supported by staff supervision and family-friendly pool designs.

For visitors who enjoy more challenging and exciting water activities, Binuang Waterpark also features water slides of various shapes and heights. These slide attractions are designed to deliver a fun sliding experience without compromising safety aspects. The materials used and the stable water flow make the rides safe to use according to age and height requirements. The combination of relaxing pools and more thrilling rides allows the waterpark to cater to visitors with diverse preferences and characteristics.

In addition to water play attractions, Binuang Waterpark provides comfortable relaxation areas for visitors who wish to rest or supervise family members who are playing. Gazebos or shaded huts are available at several strategic points around the pools, allowing visitors to take shelter from the sun while enjoying the atmosphere. These seating areas are particularly helpful for parents with young children, as they can comfortably and safely monitor their activities.

In terms of supporting facilities, Binuang Waterpark is fairly well equipped to ensure visitor comfort. Clean and well-maintained shower and changing rooms are available, allowing visitors to change clothes comfortably after enjoying the water attractions. Toilet facilities are also provided at several locations and are regularly cleaned to maintain environmental hygiene. A spacious parking area accommodates visitors arriving by private vehicles, both motorcycles and cars, eliminating concerns about limited parking space during peak visiting times.

To meet visitors’ dining needs, Binuang Waterpark offers a canteen or food court area that sells a variety of food and beverages. The menu generally consists of snacks, refreshing drinks, and simple meals that are suitable to enjoy after playing in the water. The presence of this culinary area means visitors do not need to leave the waterpark to look for food, allowing holiday time to be used more effectively and conveniently. Food and beverage prices are also relatively affordable and tailored to family visitors.

In terms of comfort and safety, the management of Binuang Waterpark strives to maintain the cleanliness of the pool areas and the surrounding environment on a regular basis. The pool water is treated with a proper filtration system to ensure it remains clear and safe for use. Staff members are also on standby to assist visitors and supervise activities in the pool areas, especially during busy periods. This provides a sense of security for visitors, particularly parents accompanying children.

Binuang Waterpark is also frequently used as a venue for group and family-oriented activities, such as large family gatherings, children’s birthday parties, school events, and community activities. Its spacious and family-friendly atmosphere makes it suitable for various types of group recreation. With relatively affordable entrance ticket prices, Binuang Waterpark offers an economical tourism option while still delivering an enjoyable holiday experience.

Overall, Binuang Waterpark is a water tourism destination that offers a combination of exciting attractions, adequate facilities, and easy accessibility. It functions not only as an entertainment venue but also as a family recreation space that supports togetherness and quality time. With continuous facility maintenance and service improvements, Binuang Waterpark has great potential to continue growing as one of the leading water tourism destinations in Serang Regency and its surrounding areas.

Image: https://www.radarupdate.id/wisata/105313570868/htm-mulai-dari-rp20-ribu-yuk-liburan-ke-binuang-waterpark-serang-tempatnya-asri-dan-bikin-nyaman?page=2

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