The emergence of sate bandeng is closely connected to Banten’s historical position as a coastal region and a trading hub since the era of the Banten Sultanate. Milkfish (Chanos chanos) was abundant in brackish waters and fishponds, yet its many fine bones posed challenges for consumption. According to Lubis (2004: 112–114), culinary innovation often arises from practical needs to overcome the limitations of available food resources, a condition that clearly shaped the development of sate bandeng.
The main ingredient of sate bandeng is fresh milkfish, selected based on size, freshness, and flesh texture. Other ingredients include coconut milk and spices such as shallots, garlic, coriander, pepper, palm sugar, and salt. This combination reflects the characteristic flavor of Banten cuisine—rich, savory, and spice-oriented—developed through the encounter of agrarian and coastal food traditions, as noted by Reid (2011: 203–205).
The preparation process begins by separating the fish flesh from its skin through careful massaging and extraction. The flesh is then finely ground and mixed with coconut milk and spices to form a smooth paste. This process demonstrates a form of tacit knowledge—skills acquired through repeated practice and transmitted across generations—rather than formal instruction, as described by Mintz (1985: 29–31).
The seasoned fish paste is then reinserted into the emptied fish skin, preserving the original shape of the fish. This stage requires precision and experience, as the skin functions both as a container and as a visual marker of authenticity. In Levi-Strauss’s culinary theory (1966: 44–46), as discussed by Douglas, cooking represents a cultural transformation of raw nature into socially acceptable order.
Grilling follows, with the fish cooked over charcoal until fully done and infused with a smoky aroma. Fire, in this context, is not merely a technical element but a symbolic medium of transformation. Douglas (1966: 48) emphasizes that cooked food represents cultural order, standing in contrast to raw food, which is associated with nature and disorder.
In Bantenese social life, sate bandeng is not simply an everyday dish but is often served during religious celebrations, communal feasts, and as a gift for honored guests. Goody (1982: 97–99) argues that food in ceremonial contexts functions as a social symbol, reinforcing relationships and communal solidarity.
The production of sate bandeng also carries significant economic meaning at the household level. Much of the processing is carried out by women, either within family settings or small-scale enterprises. Scott (1976: 15–17) views such activities as subsistence-based economic strategies that enable households to cope with uncertainty and vulnerability.
From a food security perspective, sate bandeng represents a form of local food diversification. Processing milkfish into sate extends its shelf life and increases its value compared to fresh consumption. FAO (2013: 67–69) highlights that diversification and local food processing are crucial strategies for maintaining food security in uncertain conditions.
Knowledge of milkfish harvesting seasons, fish quality, and appropriate processing techniques constitutes an essential part of local ecological knowledge. Berkes (2008: 52–54) explains that such knowledge develops through prolonged interaction between communities and their environments and is typically transmitted orally, making it vulnerable to erosion if not documented.
In the context of modernization, the practice of making sate bandeng has undergone changes in terms of production tools and market orientation. Appadurai (1988: 15–17) notes that when local foods enter market and tourism circuits, they undergo negotiation between traditional values and modern economic demands.
Sate bandeng has increasingly been represented as an icon of Banten’s regional cuisine in cultural promotion and tourism narratives. Hall (1997: 224–226) warns that such representations may simplify the complex cultural practices behind food traditions if they are understood solely as commodities.
Thus, sate bandeng should not be seen merely as a regional specialty, but as a cultural practice that embodies local knowledge, economic strategies, and Bantenese identity. As Mintz (1985: 211–213) argues, food always speaks of more than taste—it tells stories of history, power, and the ways people make sense of their lives.
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