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Curug Bengkawah

Curug Bengkawah is one of the prominent natural tourism destinations located in Sikasur Village, Belik District, Pemalang Regency, Central Java Province. This destination is widely recognized as a natural waterfall that remains well preserved and offers a mountain-based nature tourism experience characterized by a cool, tranquil, and pristine atmosphere. The presence of Curug Bengkawah constitutes an important part of the tourism landscape of southern Pemalang Regency, an area dominated by hills and the foothills of Mount Slamet.

Geographically, Curug Bengkawah is situated in a highland area at a considerable elevation, resulting in relatively cool temperatures throughout the year. The surrounding environment is dominated by community forests, smallholder plantations, and well-maintained natural vegetation. These conditions make Curug Bengkawah an ideal destination for visitors seeking serenity, fresh air, and a natural setting far removed from urban congestion.

The main attraction of Curug Bengkawah lies in its tall and powerful waterfall, where water cascades down a natural rock cliff, creating a majestic and visually striking panorama. The water originates from mountain springs, making it clear and clean, especially during the dry season. The fine mist produced by the falling water adds to the refreshing sensation and enhances the site’s natural and exotic appeal.

The name “Bengkawah” is believed to originate from a local term associated with the strong and winding flow of water among rocks. According to local narratives, Curug Bengkawah has long been known as part of the living space of the surrounding community, serving both as a water source and as an area with significant ecological value. As regional tourism has developed, the waterfall has gradually been managed and promoted more widely as a natural tourist attraction.

Access to Curug Bengkawah is relatively convenient, particularly from the center of Belik District. From Pemalang City, the distance to the site is approximately 35–40 kilometers, with a travel time of around 1.5 to 2 hours by motorized vehicle. Visitors travel through hilly routes offering scenic views of rice fields, plantations, and forests, which enhance the overall journey. Most of the roads leading to Sikasur Village are paved, although some sections near the site remain narrow village roads that are still accessible to both two- and four-wheeled vehicles.

Upon reaching the parking area, visitors must continue on foot along a trekking path of several hundred meters to reach the waterfall. This path is equipped with simple footpaths, steps, and handrails at several steep points. The walk to the waterfall becomes an integral part of the tourism experience, as visitors are immersed in lush green scenery, the sound of flowing water, and fresh mountain air.

In terms of facilities, Curug Bengkawah is supported by adequate basic tourism infrastructure. At the entrance area, visitors will find ticket booths, parking facilities, and small stalls selling food and beverages. Public amenities such as toilets and resting areas are also available, although they remain modest in nature. Facility management is carried out by local communities in collaboration with village authorities as part of a community-based tourism development approach.

The entrance fee to Curug Bengkawah is relatively affordable and accessible to visitors from various backgrounds. Generally, visitors are charged a modest entrance fee of only a few thousand Indonesian rupiah per person, along with a parking fee for vehicles. This pricing policy aims to encourage tourist visits while providing direct economic benefits to the local community through small-scale service and trade activities.

Tourism activities at Curug Bengkawah are varied but remain centered on nature-based experiences. Visitors can enjoy the waterfall scenery, take photographs with an exotic natural backdrop, play in the water around the river area, or simply relax and appreciate the surrounding atmosphere. For nature photography enthusiasts, Curug Bengkawah offers numerous appealing angles with natural compositions of water, rocks, and green vegetation.

In addition, the area surrounding Curug Bengkawah is often used for family recreation and environmental education tourism. Children and students can learn about natural ecosystems, the water cycle, and the importance of preserving forests and natural resources. In this context, Curug Bengkawah functions not only as a recreational site but also as an educational medium with significant environmental value.

The existence of Curug Bengkawah contributes positively to the local economy of Sikasur Village and its surrounding areas. Tourism activities have encouraged the growth of small businesses such as food stalls, parking services, local guides, and the sale of local products. This development demonstrates that nature-based tourism can serve as a viable strategy for improving rural livelihoods when managed sustainably.

From an environmental conservation perspective, the management of Curug Bengkawah is directed toward maintaining a balance between utilization and preservation. Visitors are encouraged to respect the environment by avoiding damage to natural features, refraining from littering, and maintaining cleanliness within the tourist area. Collective awareness among managers and visitors is essential to ensuring the sustainability of this destination for future generations.

Within the broader context of tourism development in Pemalang Regency, Curug Bengkawah holds significant potential to be further developed as a leading natural attraction. Its natural beauty, relatively good accessibility, and strong support from the local community constitute key assets for its continued growth. With improved facilities, sustained promotion, and professional management, Curug Bengkawah has the potential to become one of the iconic natural tourism destinations that strengthens Pemalang’s image as a region known for nature-based and ecotourism attractions.

Overall, Curug Bengkawah represents the natural wealth of Pemalang Regency in an authentic and unspoiled form. This destination offers a simple yet meaningful tourism experience, inviting visitors to reconnect with nature and appreciate environmental balance and beauty. As part of the region’s tourism potential, Curug Bengkawah deserves continued promotion and sustainable development as a valuable natural heritage.

Image: https://atourin.com/destination/pemalang/curug-bengkawah

Talking about silat in the Cilegon area cannot be separated from the figure of Jamhari, a jawara (martial champion) of Berru Sakti who has trained more than 10,000 students. Born in Cilegon on January 10, 1952, Jamhari grew up immersed in the world of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren). After completing elementary school (1960–1965) and Madrasah Tsanawiyah (1967), he studied at various pesantren across Pandeglang, Garut, Ciamis, Tasikmalaya, Cirebon, Jombang (Tebu Ireng), and Ponorogo (Gontor).

In these pesantren, Jamhari studied not only religious sciences but also silat. Martial arts were not unfamiliar to him, as his homeland—Cilegon/Banten—has long been known as the land of jawara. Historically, long before the arrival of Islam in Banten, martial arts were taught to soldiers for defense and territorial expansion of kingdoms. After Islam spread, these martial traditions were further developed by Islamic scholars and came to be known as silat or penca.

After completing his studies, Jamhari returned home to apply his knowledge within the local community. However, in matters of martial arts, he did not simply adopt the teachings of his former masters. Instead, he sought to blend their teachings with those of his new teacher, Zuhri, creating his own silat forms, which he named Berru Sakti or Kera Sakti (also the name of his martial arts school).

The name derives from the fighting movements of the berru (monkey), which inspired the techniques he created. The story traces back to a farmer named Ibu Melati. While on her way to her field at the edge of a forest, she witnessed a fight between a berru and a tiger, which the berru surprisingly won. Amazed by the berru’s prowess, she later reenacted its movements at home, eventually developing new silat techniques.

Ibu Melati passed this knowledge on to Ahmad. After Ahmad passed away, several years later she transmitted it again to Salim and Zuhri. It was from Zuhri that Jamhari learned Berru Sakti silat and was encouraged to establish a martial arts school around 1980. Over time, Jamhari also incorporated techniques from other martial arts to enhance the effectiveness of his Berru Sakti forms for self-defense.

As time went on, Jamhari did not limit himself to martial arts alone. His high level of creativity extended into other fields, including the traditional art of bendrong lesung. Bendrong lesung is performed by women during the harvest season as an expression of gratitude to God Almighty. The performance involves rhythmically striking wooden pestles (alu) against a rice mortar (lesung), producing a distinctive rhythm accompanied by dancing and singing Sundanese and Bantenese songs.

In addition to bendrong lesung, Jamhari is also skilled in crafting golok (traditional machetes). The golok he makes has a distinctive “C” shape, with the blade sharpened on the inner curve. This form symbolizes the intention of the wielder to defend what lies within—oneself, one’s family, and the nation.

Jamhari produces two types of golok: those made from ordinary iron and those made from 7P materials (chisel, hammer, hoe, crowbar, spring, nail, and pipe). Ordinary golok are made daily, while 7P golok are crafted exclusively during the month of Maulid over a period of 12 days. Both share the same “C” shape, with handles carved from wood in the form of a tiger’s head. The blade measures approximately 44 centimeters in length and 4 centimeters in width, with a sheath measuring 34.5 centimeters in length and 11 centimeters in width.

It should be noted that, in addition to these activities, Jamhari also holds various professional roles outside the arts, including water purification specialist; consultant and security advisor at Krakatau Steel; advisor at Krakatau Bandar Samudra, PT Krakatau Samudra, and Krakatau Tirta Industri; advisor at Banten Port; and coordinator of supervisors at SPBU Krenceng.

In his religious activities, Jamhari is also active in holding tausiyah and dhikr every Thursday night at his residence. At the same place, he practices traditional healing using heated mercury-based methods and conducts tarik urat exercises for physical health.

Jojorong is one of the traditional culinary products of Banten Province that possesses strong historical, cultural, and symbolic significance within the local community. This traditional steamed cake is made primarily from rice flour, coconut milk, and palm sugar, and is typically served in cylindrical containers made from banana leaves. Within the context of local culture, jojorong is not merely understood as a food product, but also as part of a symbolic system that represents the cultural identity of the Bantenese people, particularly among agrarian and coastal communities. As noted by Koentjaraningrat (2009), traditional foods constitute one of the universal elements of culture, functioning as a medium for expressing values, norms, and social structures within a society.

In the everyday life of the Bantenese community, jojorong is commonly served during religious gatherings, Islamic celebrations, family ceremonies, and communal thanksgiving events. Its presence in such sacred and social occasions indicates that jojorong holds symbolic meanings that go beyond daily consumption. The dish represents respect, togetherness, and gratitude—values that are deeply embedded in Bantenese culture. Lubis (2014) emphasizes that traditional cuisine in Banten cannot be separated from the historical influence of the Banten Sultanate and the development of Islamic coastal societies, where food plays a significant role in reinforcing social cohesion and hospitality.

Therefore, the study of jojorong must be situated within an interdisciplinary framework encompassing history, anthropology, and culinary studies. Such an approach enables a comprehensive understanding of its origins, ingredients, traditional utensils, and preparation processes as an integral part of Banten’s intangible cultural heritage.

The Historical Origins of Jojorong
Historically, jojorong is believed to have originated from the culinary traditions of Banten society that developed during the pre-colonial period and continued through the era of the Banten Sultanate. As a region dominated by agrarian and coastal livelihoods, Banten communities relied heavily on local food resources such as rice, coconuts, and palm sugar. Reid (2011) notes that societies in Southeast Asia have long developed rice-based food systems, which later gave rise to various forms of traditional steamed cakes.

Jojorong represents this food system. The use of rice flour reflects the central role of rice as a staple food, while coconut milk and palm sugar illustrate the utilization of abundant natural resources. In local oral traditions, jojorong is often associated with communal labor and social cooperation, particularly during preparations for religious and customary events. Its relatively simple preparation process, which nonetheless requires patience and attentiveness, makes jojorong a dish commonly prepared collectively, especially by women within the community.

From a cultural perspective, the use of banana leaves as containers for jojorong holds symbolic meaning. Banana leaves function not only as natural packaging but also as representations of harmony between humans and nature. Wessing (1997) explains that in Javanese and Sundanese cultures, the use of natural materials in food preparation reflects a cosmological worldview that emphasizes balance between human life and the environment. Consequently, jojorong can be understood as a cultural product shaped by the interaction between humans, nature, and local belief systems.

Ingredients Used in Jojorong Preparation
The primary ingredients used in jojorong preparation include rice flour, coconut milk, palm sugar, and salt. Rice flour serves as the base ingredient that provides the cake’s soft and slightly elastic texture. Coconut milk contributes a rich savory flavor and enhances the dish’s distinctive aroma, while palm sugar functions as a natural sweetener that produces a caramel-like taste. Salt is added in small quantities to balance the overall flavor profile.

The selection of these ingredients reflects local knowledge regarding the utilization of surrounding natural resources. According to Winarno (2014), traditional Indonesian cuisine typically employs locally available ingredients that can be processed using simple techniques yet yield complex flavors. In the case of jojorong, the use of palm sugar also indicates a preference for natural sweeteners over refined sugar, which only became widely available during the colonial period.

In addition to the main ingredients, some contemporary variations of jojorong include pandan leaves to enhance aroma or small amounts of sago flour to modify texture. However, in traditional practice, jojorong recipes tend to remain simple and maintain the original composition passed down through generations. This consistency demonstrates a conscious effort to preserve culinary traditions as an integral part of local cultural identity.

Traditional Utensils Used in Making Jojorong
The utensils used in jojorong preparation are relatively simple and reflect the traditional technology of Banten society. Essential tools include mixing bowls, wooden spoons or stirrers, pots for boiling coconut milk and palm sugar, and steamers for the cooking process. Banana leaves are also indispensable, serving as both containers and wrappers for the batter.

The use of traditional utensils demonstrates that jojorong production does not require complex modern technology. Koentjaraningrat (2009) explains that traditional technologies in Indonesian societies develop based on principles of efficiency and environmental compatibility. In this context, steaming allows even cooking without damaging the batter’s texture, while banana leaves function as environmentally friendly containers that impart a distinctive aroma to the food.

These utensils also possess social and cultural dimensions. The simple tools used in jojorong preparation facilitate collective participation, particularly in communal cooking settings. Such activities provide opportunities for social interaction and intergenerational knowledge transmission, where culinary skills are passed down through direct practice rather than written documentation.

The Process of Making Jojorong
The preparation of jojorong begins with the preparation of the main ingredients. Palm sugar is shaved or chopped into small pieces and then boiled together with coconut milk until fully dissolved, producing a homogeneous sweet liquid. Continuous stirring is required to prevent the coconut milk from separating. The mixture is then strained to remove impurities and coarse fibers.

The next step involves mixing the strained coconut milk mixture with rice flour and a small amount of salt. The batter is stirred until smooth and reaches a semi-liquid consistency. This consistency is crucial, as it directly affects the final texture of the jojorong. Winarno (2014) emphasizes that achieving the proper balance between liquid and flour is a key factor in producing high-quality traditional steamed cakes.

Once the batter is ready, banana leaves are shaped into cylindrical or cup-like containers and secured with bamboo pins or toothpicks. The batter is poured into these containers, which are then steamed for approximately 20–30 minutes until fully cooked. The steaming process allows the batter to solidify gradually, resulting in a smooth texture and well-integrated flavors.

After cooking, the jojorong is allowed to cool before serving. In traditional Bantenese practice, jojorong is typically served at room temperature and shared among family members or guests. The relatively simple yet meticulous preparation process reflects values of patience and diligence that are central to local culinary traditions.

Jojorong as Intangible Cultural Heritage
In contemporary society, jojorong faces challenges stemming from changing consumption patterns and the dominance of modern food products. Nevertheless, jojorong continues to be found in traditional markets, religious gatherings, and cultural events. Lubis (2014) asserts that preserving traditional cuisine is an essential component of maintaining local cultural identity amid rapid globalization.

As an element of intangible cultural heritage, jojorong must be preserved not only as a food item but also as a cultural practice encompassing knowledge, skills, and social values. Documentation, education, and promotion of traditional culinary practices represent strategic efforts to ensure the sustainability of jojorong as a living cultural heritage of the Bantenese people.

Image: https://www.tribunnews.com/ramadan/2025/03/23/jojorong-makanan-khas-banten-naik-kelas-andra-soni-dorong-pariwisata-kuliner-di-banten

References:
Koentjaraningrat. 2009. Pengantar ilmu antropologi. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Lubis, N. H. 2014. Banten dalam pergumulan sejarah. Serang: Dinas Kebudayaan Provinsi Banten.
Reid, A. 2011. Asia Tenggara dalam kurun niaga 1450–1680. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.
Wessing, R. 1997. Cosmology and social behavior in Sundanese culture. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 28(2), 234–256.
Winarno, F. G. 2014. Kuliner tradisional Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

Sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas L.) is one of Indonesia’s important food commodities, characterized by wide varietal diversity and high utility value—as a food source, industrial raw material, and object of cultural study. Among the various sweet potato varieties cultivated across the Indonesian archipelago, Cilembu sweet potato holds a special position due to its distinctive taste, texture, and economic value. It is widely known as a sweet potato that releases a honey-like liquid when roasted, and is therefore often referred to as a honey sweet potato in the international market.

Geographically, Cilembu sweet potato originates from Cilembu Village, Pamulihan District, Sumedang Regency, West Java. Its uniqueness lies not only in the plant’s genetic traits, but also in the environmental conditions and local cultivation practices that shape the final product quality. Accordingly, Cilembu sweet potato can be understood as a local food product born from a complex interaction among natural factors, farmers’ traditional knowledge, and the social and economic dynamics of the local community (Rukmana, 2013).

In cultural studies, local food is not viewed merely as a consumable commodity, but also as a symbol of identity and cultural heritage. Koentjaraningrat (2009) emphasizes that traditional food systems are an integral part of culture because they reflect patterns of human adaptation to the environment as well as the social values that develop within society. Thus, Cilembu sweet potato is important not only from agronomic and economic perspectives, but also holds cultural significance worthy of academic study.
Origin and History of Cilembu Sweet Potato

The history of Cilembu sweet potato is closely linked to the development of smallholder agriculture in the Sumedang region since the colonial period. Based on local agricultural records, this variety has been cultivated for generations by communities in Cilembu Village and its surroundings since the early twentieth century. Although there is no highly detailed written documentation regarding its initial development, oral traditions among local farmers indicate that Cilembu sweet potato is the result of natural and cultivated selection carried out continuously by the community (Sutoro & Minantyorini, 2016).

This selection process involved choosing tubers with the sweetest taste, softest texture, and good storability. Over time, these practices produced a local variety with characteristics distinct from common sweet potatoes. These advantages later became widely recognized and attracted attention in regional and national markets.

In the 1990s, Cilembu sweet potato began to gain broader recognition through promotion by local governments and academic research highlighting its superior quality. Since then, it has developed into a leading regional commodity and has become part of the agrarian identity of Sumedang Regency (Balitbang Pertanian, 2018).

Agronomic Characteristics and Nutritional Content
Agronomically, Cilembu sweet potato belongs to the group of sweet potatoes with yellow to orange flesh. This coloration indicates a relatively high beta-carotene content, which functions as provitamin A and plays an important role in human health. According to Woolfe (1992), orange-fleshed sweet potatoes are among the best sources of beta-carotene among root crops.

The primary uniqueness of Cilembu sweet potato lies in its natural sugar content, particularly maltose, which increases significantly when the tuber is heated through roasting. The heating process triggers the activity of amylase enzymes that convert starch into simple sugars, resulting in a natural sweetness and a honey-like liquid. This phenomenon makes Cilembu sweet potato sensorially distinct from other sweet potato varieties (Rukmana, 2013).

In terms of nutritional value, Cilembu sweet potato contains complex carbohydrates, dietary fiber, vitamin C, B-complex vitamins, and minerals such as potassium and magnesium. Its fiber content helps maintain digestive health, while potassium contributes to electrolyte balance and cardiovascular function (FAO, 2017). Thus, Cilembu sweet potato can be categorized as a local food that is not only delicious but also nutritious.

Growing Environment and Cultivation Practices
The quality of Cilembu sweet potato is strongly influenced by the environmental conditions in which it is grown. Soils in the Cilembu area are predominantly sandy loam with good drainage and specific mineral content that supports the development of sweetness. In addition, differences between daytime and nighttime temperatures in the hilly areas of Sumedang affect the plant’s metabolic processes (Sutoro & Minantyorini, 2016).

Cultivation practices for Cilembu sweet potato largely retain traditional methods. Farmers typically use vine cuttings from previous crops as planting material and rely on organic fertilizers to maintain soil fertility. This system reflects principles of sustainable agriculture passed down through generations.

Harvesting is usually carried out after a growing period of about four to five months. The harvested tubers are then stored for several weeks before consumption or marketing. This storage process serves to increase sugar content and improve flavor quality, forming an important post-harvest practice rooted in the local wisdom of Cilembu farmers (Balitbang Pertanian, 2018).
Cilembu Sweet Potato in Social and Cultural Perspectives

In the lives of Sumedang communities, Cilembu sweet potato functions not only as an agricultural commodity but also as a symbol of local identity. It is commonly served at family gatherings, social events, and as a regional souvenir. Its presence in these contexts demonstrates that Cilembu sweet potato holds social functions beyond its economic value.

Koentjaraningrat (2009) notes that traditional foods function as media for building social solidarity and transmitting cultural values. In this context, Cilembu sweet potato symbolizes the community’s attachment to land, farming traditions, and local identity. Knowledge about how to cultivate, harvest, and process Cilembu sweet potato is passed down informally across generations through everyday practice.

Economic Role and Preservation Challenges
Economically, Cilembu sweet potato contributes significantly to local farmers’ income. High market demand, both domestically and internationally, makes it an important economic resource. However, increasing demand also brings challenges, such as the risk of declining quality due to expansion of cultivation beyond its original area, where environmental conditions differ.

Several studies indicate that Cilembu sweet potatoes grown outside the Cilembu region often fail to produce the same flavor characteristics. This underscores the importance of the concept of terroir in local agricultural products, where quality is strongly influenced by environmental and cultural factors (FAO, 2017).

Therefore, efforts to preserve Cilembu sweet potato should address not only production aspects, but also the protection of local knowledge and supporting ecosystems. The development of geographical indication status represents one strategy to maintain the authenticity and sustainability of Cilembu sweet potato as a local food heritage.

Cilembu sweet potato is a clear example of how local food can represent the close interconnection between nature, culture, and community identity. Its superior taste and nutritional value cannot be separated from its history, growing environment, and traditional cultivation practices maintained by the people of Cilembu Village. From an academic perspective, Cilembu sweet potato is not merely an agricultural commodity, but a cultural heritage encompassing historical, social, and ecological values.

Preserving and developing Cilembu sweet potato requires a multidisciplinary approach that integrates agronomic, economic, and cultural aspects. In this way, Cilembu sweet potato can continue to endure as a symbol of local identity while contributing to food security and community welfare.

Image: https://www.astronauts.id/p/ubi-cilembu-astro-farm-550gram?srsltid=AfmBOop-e8-u6bOLkWrg80NpeuSocKIZv7tEgYBqeMSH5skeLzi6Qaq_
References
Balitbang Pertanian. 2018. Pengembangan ubi jalar unggulan lokal. Jakarta: Kementerian Pertanian Republik Indonesia.
FAO. 2017. Roots, tubers, plantains and bananas in human nutrition. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization.
Koentjaraningrat. 2009. Pengantar ilmu antropologi. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Rukmana, R. 2013. Ubi jalar: Budidaya dan pascapanen. Yogyakarta: Kanisius.
Sutoro, & Minantyorini. 2016. Keragaman genetik dan potensi ubi jalar lokal Indonesia. Jurnal Penelitian Pertanian Tanaman Pangan, 35(2), 95–104. Woolfe, J. A. (1992). Sweet potato: An untapped food resource. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

The Contest of Words

(A Folktale from South Sulawesi)

Once upon a time, there were six brothers. One day, their father passed away, leaving behind an inheritance of only five plots of rice fields. Since there were six brothers but only five plots of land, each of them insisted on owning one. As a result, a dispute broke out among them, with each brother stubbornly claiming his right to a plot of land.

In order to prevent the conflict from escalating, the eldest brother spoke up and said, “It would be better if we hold a contest of words. Whoever speaks the greatest words shall own all the rice fields left by our father. Let us not continue quarrelling.” The other brothers agreed with their eldest sibling’s suggestion.

They then sat in a circle and invited the eldest brother to begin the contest. The eldest said, “Once, I went into the forest and found a tree so enormous that it took me an entire day and night to walk around its trunk.” The other brothers nodded, listening attentively to his words.

“That is not so impressive,” said the second brother. “On one occasion, while I was traveling, I encountered a chisel embedded in the ground. It was so tall and massive that the tip of its handle reached the sky!”

The third brother responded, “There is something even greater than that. Once, I encountered a buffalo so enormous that the tip of its horn alone could be used as a ball for playing games.”

“That is nothing,” said the fourth brother. “I once found a rattan vine so long that it could encircle the entire earth.”

The fifth brother then added, “There is something far greater still. I once found a mosque so vast that I even performed the Friday prayer inside it. The mosque was so huge that from where I prayed, I could not see the imam at the front. And even if he could be seen, he would appear no larger than a germ.”

“Now it is your turn, youngest brother. What will you say?” asked the eldest.

The youngest brother replied, “I once found a drum that, when struck only once, continued to resonate endlessly. Even now, its echo can still be heard. Try covering your ears—you will still hear its reverberation.”

As the five brothers covered their ears, they soon heard a sound that was actually nothing more than the wind. Astonished, the eldest brother asked, “Where did you obtain the wood to make a drum frame that could resonate for so long?”

“I believe you once found a tree so large that it took you an entire day and night to walk around it. That very tree was used to make the drum’s frame,” answered the youngest.

“And what tool was used to shape the drum frame?” asked the second brother.

“Did you not say you once saw a chisel whose blade was embedded in the earth while its handle reached the sky? That chisel was used to carve the wood for the drum frame,” replied the youngest.

The third brother then asked, “Where did you obtain the skin to make the drumhead?”

“Did you not say you once encountered a buffalo so large that the tip of its horn could be used to play ball? The skin of that buffalo was used to make the vibrating membrane, while its horn served as the drumstick,” said the youngest.

“And where did you get the material to tie and hang the drum?” asked the fourth brother.

“Did you not say you once found a rattan vine long enough to encircle the earth? That rattan was used to bind and suspend the drum,” answered the youngest.

“Well then,” said the fifth brother, “the drum must be enormous. Where was it placed?”

“Did you not say you once prayed in a mosque so vast that the imam appeared no larger than a germ? If you look carefully, you will surely find it. The drum is hung in one corner of the mosque and is used to mark the times of prayer,” replied the youngest.

Hearing the youngest brother’s explanation, the five older brothers nodded in agreement. Finally, representing the others, the eldest brother said, “You are the winner, younger brother. You are entitled to inherit all of our father’s property.”

Source:
Freely adapted from Rasyid, Abdul & Muhammad Abidin Nur. (1999). Cerita Rakyat Daerah Wajo di Sulawesi Selatan. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Department of Education and Culture.

Angeun Lada is one of the traditional culinary dishes of Banten Province that holds an important position in the social and cultural life of the local community. This dish is widely known as a spicy soup-based food made primarily from meat (commonly beef or goat) cooked with a variety of local spices. From the perspective of food anthropology, Angeun Lada should not be understood merely as a means of fulfilling biological needs, but also as an expression of cultural identity and a symbol of social relations within Bantenese society. Traditional foods often function as media through which values, norms, and social structures of a community are represented (Koentjaraningrat, 2009).

Linguistically, the term angeun in the Bantenese Sundanese language refers to soup-based dishes or curries, while lada means spicy. This naming directly reflects the dish’s defining characteristic, namely its rich broth dominated by a strong spicy flavor. Spiciness in Angeun Lada is not simply a matter of taste preference, but is also closely related to the geographical and climatic conditions of Banten. In agrarian and coastal societies, spicy food is traditionally believed to warm the body and enhance stamina, particularly for individuals engaged in physically demanding labor (Winarno, 2014).

The historical roots of Angeun Lada cannot be separated from Banten’s strategic position as a coastal region that, since the sixteenth century, developed into an important international trading port and a center for the spread of Islam in the Indonesian archipelago. Guillot (2008) notes that the Sultanate of Banten maintained extensive trade networks with Arab, Indian, Persian, and other Southeast Asian regions. Such intense cross-cultural interactions significantly influenced many aspects of Bantenese life, including belief systems, language, arts, and culinary traditions. In this context, Angeun Lada can be understood as a product of cultural acculturation between local culinary practices and foreign spice-based cooking traditions.

In the oral traditions of Bantenese society, Angeun Lada is often associated with dishes served during important communal events, such as Islamic religious celebrations, village rituals, family feasts, and other ceremonial occasions. Its presence in sacred and communal contexts demonstrates that food serves symbolic functions beyond everyday consumption. Lubis (2014) explains that in Bantenese culture, the presentation of specific foods during ritual events functions as a symbol of respect, social solidarity, and gratitude toward God.

The cultural values embodied in Angeun Lada are also reflected in the way it is prepared, which is often done collectively. During large social events, the cooking process involves multiple community members working together in a spirit of mutual cooperation (gotong royong). This activity is not merely intended to produce food, but also serves as a space for social interaction where culinary knowledge, cooking techniques, and cultural meanings are transmitted orally from older generations to younger ones (Suryani, 2016).

From the perspective of symbolic anthropology, Angeun Lada can be interpreted as a representation of simplicity and perseverance, values that characterize Bantenese society. Although the ingredients are relatively simple and locally sourced, the cooking process requires time and patience. The meat must be simmered for a long period to achieve tenderness and allow the spices to fully infuse the broth. This process reflects a worldview that values diligence and respect for gradual processes, principles that are also deeply embedded in traditional social life (Koentjaraningrat, 2009).

The main ingredient of Angeun Lada is meat, typically beef or goat. Goat meat is particularly common due to its availability and robust flavor, which pairs well with strong spices. In addition to meat, offal such as tripe, lungs, or liver is often included to enhance the dish’s flavor and texture. The use of offal reflects the principle of utilizing food resources holistically, a form of local wisdom rooted in traditional practices of sustainable consumption (Suryani, 2016).

The spices used in Angeun Lada include red chilies and bird’s eye chilies as the primary sources of heat, along with shallots, garlic, ginger, galangal, turmeric, coriander, bay leaves, and lemongrass. This combination creates a complex flavor profile while simultaneously reflecting the rich biodiversity of the Indonesian archipelago. Reid (2011) emphasizes that spices are not merely culinary ingredients, but also key elements that have shaped the economic and cultural history of Southeast Asia.

The preparation of Angeun Lada begins with cleaning and cutting the meat, followed by boiling it to produce a base broth and reduce the strong aroma commonly associated with goat meat. The first boiling water is usually discarded to achieve a cleaner taste. This technique is widely practiced in traditional Indonesian meat preparation (Winarno, 2014). The ground spices are then sautéed until fragrant to release their aromas and flavors.

The sautéed spices are subsequently added to the meat broth along with aromatic ingredients such as bay leaves and lemongrass. The dish is then simmered over low heat for an extended period until the meat becomes tender and the broth thickens. This slow-cooking technique allows the spices to penetrate deeply into the meat, resulting in a rich and layered flavor. In traditional Indonesian culinary philosophy, such methods are regarded as a form of respect for both the ingredients and the guests who will consume the dish (Winarno, 2014).

In contemporary society, Angeun Lada remains preserved as an essential element of Banten’s culinary identity. It is not only prepared in household settings, but also featured in traditional restaurants, culinary festivals, and cultural tourism promotions. Efforts to preserve traditional foods such as Angeun Lada are increasingly important in the face of globalization, which tends to homogenize tastes and consumption patterns (Lubis, 2014).

Thus, Angeun Lada should not be understood merely as a spicy soup dish. It represents the history, culture, and identity of the Bantenese people, shaped through long-term interactions between humans, nature, and tradition. The continued existence of Angeun Lada as a traditional culinary practice demonstrates that food plays a strategic role in preserving collective memory and cultural identity within a society.

Image: https://food.detik.com/info-kuliner/d-7395040/angeun-lada-kuliner-warisan-budaya-dari-banten-yang-gurih-pedas
References:
Guillot, C. (2008). Banten: History and civilization from the 10th to the 17th century. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia.
Koentjaraningrat. (2009). Introduction to anthropology. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Lubis, N. H. (2014). Banten in historical discourse. Serang: Banten Provincial Office of Culture.
Reid, A. (2011). Southeast Asia in the age of commerce, 1450–1680. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.
Suryani. (2016). Traditional cuisine as Banten’s cultural identity. Journal of History and Culture, 10(2), 130–145.
Winarno, F. G. (2014). Traditional Indonesian cuisine. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

Rabeg is one of the traditional culinary dishes originating from Banten Province that holds strong historical, cultural, and symbolic value in the daily life of the local community. This dish is made primarily from goat meat cooked with a variety of Indonesian spices and sweet soy sauce, resulting in a savory, sweet, and richly aromatic flavor. More than merely a food item, rabeg occupies an important position within the social and cultural system of Banten society. Lubis (2014) explains that traditional foods function not only to fulfill biological needs but also serve as media for expressing identity, symbols of social status, and means of strengthening social relations within a community.

Within the context of local culture, rabeg is frequently served at religious celebrations, traditional ceremonies, and honorary banquets for distinguished guests. Its presence at such sacred and formal occasions indicates that rabeg carries symbolic meanings that transcend everyday consumption. The dish represents values of respect, togetherness, and gratitude that are deeply upheld in Bantenese culture.

Geographically and historically, Banten is a coastal region that has developed as an important international port in Southeast Asia since the sixteenth century. Guillot (2008) notes that the Banten Sultanate became a bustling center of trade and maintained close relations with Arab, Indian, Persian, and other Asian merchants. The intensity of cross-cultural interactions significantly influenced various aspects of local life, including belief systems, language, arts, and culinary traditions. In this context, rabeg can be understood as a product of cultural acculturation that records the historical traces of trade networks and the spread of Islam along the western coast of Java.

Thus, any discussion of rabeg cannot be separated from the historical, cultural, and social dynamics of Banten society. This culinary tradition constitutes a living cultural heritage passed down through generations and serves as a symbol of local identity that has endured to the present day.
The Historical Origins of Rabeg in Banten

The origins of rabeg are closely linked to the development of the Banten Sultanate during the reign of Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin in the sixteenth century. In studies of Islamic history in the Indonesian archipelago, Ambary (1998) explains that maritime trade routes functioned not only as channels for the exchange of goods but also as pathways for the dissemination of culture, religion, and traditions, including culinary practices. Arab merchants who docked at the Port of Banten introduced various dietary habits, particularly goat meat dishes cooked with strong spices.

The name “rabeg” is believed to have originated from Rabigh, a port city on the Red Sea coast that served as an important stopover for Muslim pilgrims and traders. Rickman (2011) notes that Rabigh played a strategic role in Islamic maritime networks, making it unsurprising that cultural influences from the region spread to Southeast Asia. In this sense, rabeg may be viewed as a local adaptation of Middle Eastern goat-based cuisine, modified according to local tastes and available ingredients.

In Bantenese oral tradition, rabeg is known as a royal dish served to honor distinguished guests, religious scholars, and important figures of the kingdom. From the royal court, the dish gradually spread to the broader community through religious festivities and traditional ceremonies. Suryani (2016) explains that the diffusion of royal cuisine into popular society reflects a process of cultural transformation, in which elite symbols of the court became embedded within the collective identity of the people.

The dissemination of rabeg across social strata also demonstrates the role of cuisine as a medium of social integration. From a royal delicacy, rabeg evolved into a communal dish that reinforces solidarity and a sense of togetherness within Banten society.
Cultural Values and the Philosophy of Rabeg

Rabeg embodies cultural values that reflect the character and worldview of the Bantenese people. In food anthropology, meat consumption is often associated with symbols of prosperity, respect, and social status. Koentjaraningrat (2009) states that in traditional Indonesian societies, meat-based dishes are typically served during significant events as expressions of gratitude and respect toward guests.

This notion is reflected in the tradition of rabeg, which is rarely consumed as a daily meal but is instead reserved for major occasions such as Islamic holidays, family celebrations, and religious gatherings. Serving rabeg in such contexts demonstrates that food functions as a symbol of harmonious social relations and as a means of strengthening interpersonal bonds within the community.

Furthermore, the lengthy cooking process required to prepare rabeg reflects values of patience, perseverance, and respect for process. Winarno (2014) explains that in traditional Indonesian culinary practices, prolonged cooking times are often associated with efforts to achieve a balance of flavors and to honor both the ingredients and the guests who will consume the dish. Thus, rabeg conveys not only sensory pleasure but also ethical and moral values.

The collective preparation of rabeg during large communal events further reinforces the spirit of mutual cooperation (gotong royong). This activity becomes a space for social interaction where cultural values are informally transmitted from older generations to younger ones.
Ingredients Used in Making Rabeg

The primary ingredient in rabeg is goat meat. Typically, young goat meat is preferred to achieve a tender texture and a less pungent aroma. In addition to meat, offal such as liver, lungs, or tripe is often included to enrich the flavor profile. Suryani (2016) notes that the use of offal reflects the principle of comprehensive utilization of food resources within local culinary traditions.

The spices used in rabeg include shallots, garlic, ginger, galangal, lemongrass, coriander, cumin, cinnamon, cloves, cardamom, nutmeg, palm sugar, salt, and sweet soy sauce. This combination reflects the biodiversity of the Indonesian archipelago, which has long been a major center of the global spice trade. Reid (2011) emphasizes that spices were not merely culinary ingredients but also played a crucial role in the economic and cultural history of Southeast Asia.

The use of sweet soy sauce highlights a process of local adaptation to foreign influences. Soy sauce, which developed in Java through interactions with Chinese culture, became a distinctive element that differentiates rabeg from Middle Eastern dishes.
The Process of Making Rabeg

The preparation of rabeg begins with cleaning and cutting the goat meat. The meat is then briefly boiled to reduce its characteristic odor, and the first boiling water is usually discarded. Winarno (2014) explains that this technique is commonly used in traditional goat meat processing to achieve a cleaner taste.

Next, the ground spices are sautéed until fragrant along with aromatic ingredients such as lemongrass and galangal. The goat meat is then added and stirred until evenly coated with the spices. Water is added as needed, and the dish is cooked over low heat for one to two hours until the meat becomes tender and the broth thickens. In the final stage, sweet soy sauce and palm sugar are added to create the characteristic sweet-savory flavor and dark brown color of rabeg (Suryani, 2016).

This slow-cooking technique allows the spices to fully penetrate the meat, producing a rich and complex flavor. The process reflects a traditional culinary philosophy that prioritizes quality and depth of taste over speed of preparation.

Rabeg in the Context of Modern Society
Amid modernization and globalization, rabeg continues to endure as an iconic culinary symbol of Banten. The dish is not only prepared in households but is also featured in traditional restaurants, culinary festivals, and regional tourism promotions. Lubis (2014) emphasizes that preserving traditional cuisine is an essential part of maintaining local cultural identity in the face of rapid social change.

Rabeg also serves as a medium for cultural education for younger generations. Through culinary traditions, historical values, social meanings, and local wisdom can be introduced in a contextual and accessible manner. Consequently, rabeg persists not only as a food but also as a living, dynamic symbol of cultural identity that continues to adapt to changing times.

Image: https://www.djkn.kemenkeu.go.id/kanwil-banten/baca-artikel/15479/Mengenal-Banten-lewat-Semangkuk-Rabeg.html

References
Ambary, H. M. 1998. Menemukan peradaban: Jejak arkeologis dan historis Islam Indonesia. Jakarta: Logos.
Guillot, C. 2008. Banten: Sejarah dan peradaban abad X–XVII. Jakarta: KPG.
Koentjaraningrat. 2009. Pengantar ilmu antropologi. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.
Lubis, N. H. 2014. Banten dalam pergumulan sejarah. Serang: Dinas Kebudayaan Provinsi Banten.
Reid, A. 2011. Asia Tenggara dalam kurun niaga 1450–1680. Jakarta: Obor.
Rickman, J. 2011. Maritime routes of the Red Sea. London: Routledge.
Suryani. 2016. Kuliner tradisional sebagai identitas budaya Banten. Jurnal Sejarah dan Budaya, 10(2), 140–150.
Winarno, F. G. 2014. Kuliner tradisional Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia.

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